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Generation Z is recognized as a digital-native generation raised in an era of rapid technological and informational development. Despite their broad access to information, they face challenges in civic participation due to issues such as national identity crises and limited critical literacy. Civic Education (PKn) serves as a crucial strategy to foster civic engagement by instilling the values of democracy, social justice, and collective responsibility through active, contextual, and technology-based learning approaches. This article is a literature review that synthesizes research findings from 2020 to 2025 regarding the role of Civic Education in enhancing political, social, and digital participation among Generation Z in Indonesia. The findings indicate that the integration of social media, volunteer activities, and community-based citizenship projects facilitated by Civic Education can strengthen critical awareness and active public involvement. Thus, adaptive and participatory Civic Education proves relevant in reinforcing civic engagement in the digital age.

The protection of human rights is a fundamental element of Indonesian constitutional law. Although it has been constitutionally regulated through the 1945 Constitution and a number of laws, the implementation of human rights protection still faces various challenges, including discrimination, violence by the authorities, and inconsistency in legal politics. This study aims to analyze the effectiveness of the constitutional law system in ensuring human rights protection as well as the role of state institutions such as Komnas HAM, the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary. The results show that human rights protection has not been optimal due to weak coordination, lack of accountability, and lack of support for independent institutions. The conclusion emphasizes the importance of legal reform, institutional strengthening, and harmonization between national law and international human rights standards. Suggestions include improving human rights education, empowering civil society, and consistent law enforcement to create a democratic and just rule of law.

The inconsistency in case rulings and its impact on the principles of separation of powers and the quality of democracy in Indonesia. The case challenges the age limit for presidential and vice-presidential candidates, with the Constitutional Court acknowledging the legal standing of the petitioner despite discrepancies in the outcomes of similar cases. The implications of adding norms in such rulings also raise questions about the legitimacy of Constitutional Court decisions in the political context. This study employs qualitative methods, leading to the conclusion that the decision results in controversy among the public, causing them to lose trust in the constitutional court due to autocratic rulings benefiting political elite. Keywords: Constitutional Court, Democracy.

This paper aims to explore the charismatic leadership model of Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) from the perspective of Pancasila Education, with an emphasis on the internalization of human values, tolerance, and democracy embedded in the national and cultural praxis. Using a approach based on literature study, this article shows how Gus Dur became a transformative leader who consistently realized the second, third, and fourth principles of Pancasila. His leadership not only defended the nation's plurality but also created interreligious dialogue spaces and protected minority groups as concrete manifestations of humanity and tolerance values. Furthermore, the deliberative democracy he pioneered remains a significant legacy for political education and national character development.

This article discusses the judicial intervention that occurred in the 2024 Presidential and Vice Presidential Election in Indonesia, focusing on the Constitutional Court Decision No.90/PUU - XXI/2023. The study aims to analyze the impact of this decision on the political process, judicial ethics, and the quality of democracy in Indonesia. The method used is a qualitative approach with literature study. The findings indicate that judicial intervention can undermine the rule of law and public trust in the judiciary. There are also indications of a conflict of interest involving the Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court, which could violate democratic principles. Reforms in the oversight and selection of judges are proposed as steps to uphold constitutional integrity and strengthen democracy in Indonesia.

Indonesia as a country of law and democracy has a solid foundation in Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The dynamics of law enforcement and democracy in Indonesia are inseparable from the influence of historical,socio-political, and cultural factors that shape the course of the national legal system. This study uses the literature review method to examine the results of related studies, which show that aw enforcement in Indonesia faces various challenges, ranging fro legal pluralis, structural injustice, to political influence and technological developments in the digital era. Indonesian democracy is rooted in the values of Pancasila which demand social justice, respect for human rights, unity, and deliberation. However, in enforcement is still often hampered by corruption, weak integrity of legal complexity in a multicultural society.

The general election as a pillar of democracy faces new challenges with the rapid development of information technology, one of which is the practice of doxing—disseminating personal data without consent to harm individuals. In the context of Indonesia’s 2024 General Election, doxing cases have increased, targeting political figures and ordinary citizens, potentially undermining political participation and violating the right to privacy. This study aims to analyze the legal framework governing doxing based on Law Number 1 of 2024 concerning Electronic Information and Transactions (ITE Law) and Law Number 27 of 2022 concerning Personal Data Protection (PDP Law), as well as to examine the form of criminal liability for perpetrators of doxing in the context of the 2024 election. This normative juridical research employs statutory, conceptual, and case approaches. The findings reveal that although not explicitly regulated, doxing can be classified as a legal violation under the two laws. However, law enforcement still faces technical and normative obstacles, such as difficulty in identifying perpetrators and proving intent. Strengthening legal provisions and the capacity of law enforcement officers is essential to ensure accountability without compromising democratic principles.

The Constitutional Court is a state institution that emerged from the amendments to the 1945 Constitution, as part of the efforts to strengthen the principles of the rule of law and constitutional democracy in Indonesia. This institution plays a crucial role in upholding legal regulations, ensuring proper checks, and balancing the power between institutions and the state. This research aims to examine the position, authority, and contributions of the Constitutional Court within Indonesia's governance system. A normative approach is generally used, along with analyses of laws, Constitutional Court decisions, and various related legal literature. The results of the study show that the Constitutional Court not only acts as the gatekeeper of the structure, but also as the sole translator of the structure, which has an important influence on the dynamics of relations between state institutions and the development of constitutional law in Indonesia. The Constitutional Court participates in the protection of citizens' rights, the improvement of the electoral system, and the upholding of the principles of democracy and real justice.

Populism, which often puts forward anti-ite rhetoric and claims as a representation of the people's voice, can have a significant impact on the state administration system. This article aims to understand the extent to which populism can change the structure of state administration and test the resilience of the Indonesian democratic system and constitution in facing the challenges of populism. The method used in the preparation of this article is qualitative methodology with a literature review approach from various academic sources such as books, journals, relevant scientific papers. The results of the study show that populism gives challenges and threats to the state system and has a negative impact on democracy and implications for the constitution. Populism is a challenge for the Indonesian constitutional democratic system by damaging the checks and balances mechanisms, politicizing the law and state institutions, and the risk of eroding the supremacy of the constitution.

Radicalism among the younger generation poses a serious threat to national unity, especially in the digital era that facilitates the spread of extremist ideologies. This study employs a descriptive qualitative method with literature review as the data collection technique to analyze the role of civic education in preventing radicalism. The findings show that civic education can shape character, instill values of tolerance, democracy, and nationalism, and enhance students’ critical thinking skills in filtering radical information. Its implication is that civic education plays a strategic role as an ideological shield, effectively protecting youth from radical influences and encouraging their active contribution to preserving national unity.

This research analyzes the Constitutional Court Decision Number 62/PPU-XXII/2024 regarding the constitutionality of the presidential threshold and its implications for the development of inclusive democracy in Indonesia. Using a juridical-normative and conceptual approach, this study examines the presidential threshold provisions as regulated in Article 222 of Law Number 7 of 2017 on General Elections from the perspective of inclusive democracy theory and electoral systems. The results show that the Constitutional Court affirmed the constitutionality of the presidential threshold as an open legal policy of the legislators, while also noting that lawmakers should reconsider the threshold percentage in future revisions of the Election Law. This research identifies a tension between two equally important democratic values: government effectiveness and political representation. On one hand, the presidential threshold can strengthen the presidential system by encouraging political party consolidation and creating more stable governance. On the other hand, this provision potentially limits political inclusivity by reducing the diversity of choices for voters and restricting opportunities for small or new political parties to nominate presidential and vice-presidential candidates independently. This study concludes that to realize a more inclusive democracy following the Constitutional Court Decision, further efforts are needed to reform the electoral system, strengthen political parties, enhance political education, and develop innovations in political participation.

The community as voters has a very important role because it is one of the factors that determine the success or failure of organizing elections. The purpose of this research is used as information on the role of election organizers, in this case the District Election Committee (PPK) at the Sumbermanjing Wetan District Level, Malang Regency in its efforts to increase community participation and as knowledge about general elections to be used as an evaluation in organizing future elections. This research uses phenomenological qualitative research methods through in-depth source interviews and observation notes to election organizers, namely members of the District Election Committee (PPK) in Sumbermanjing Wetan District, Malang Regency. PPK in socialization activities to the community cooperates with the District Election Supervisory Committee (Panwascam) in supervision and socialization, government agencies, government institutions and local village community organizations in disseminating socialization to the community because it is able to reach all communities that have limited accessibility. The declining level of community participation needs to be reviewed so that people who abstain from voting or who do not use their voting rights can actively participate in realizing democracy. In addition, a wise evaluation of the regulations, technical implementation, accuracy of voter data, neutrality and integrity of the electoral process is needed.

This study aims to explore the potential of ethnoscience as a contextual source in democratic education in thematic PPKn learning in elementary schools. Ethnoscience, as a representation of local knowledge that develops in the culture of society, can be used as a meaningful, relevant, and contextual learning medium for students. In the context of democratic education, values such as deliberation, mutual cooperation, and social justice contained in ethnoscience practices make a significant contribution to strengthening students' democratic character and understanding. The method used in this study is descriptive qualitative with a literature study approach. The results of the study indicate that the integration of ethnoscience in thematic PPKn learning can increase student involvement, strengthen cultural identity, and foster democratic awareness and participation from an early age. Thus, the use of ethnoscience as a contextual source not only enriches teaching materials,but also becomes a strategic means of instilling democratic values that are in accordance with the local context of students.

Constitutional amendments are crucial instruments in the dynamics of state governance, particularly in democratic countries that adopt either a presidential or parliamentary system. This study aims to analyze and compare the mechanisms, implications, and challenges of the constitutional amendment process in both systems. Using a descriptive-comparative approach, the research examines how each system designs and implements constitutional changes, including the role of the legislative and executive branches, as well as public participation. The findings indicate that the presidential system tends to have a more rigid amendment procedure compared to the parliamentary system, which is more flexible in enacting constitutional changes. These differences have implications for government stability, decision-making effectiveness, and the balance of power within each system. Therefore, a deep understanding of constitutional amendment mechanisms in different governmental systems is essential to ensure that constitutional changes remain aligned with democratic principles and national interests.

Indonesia adheres to a democratic government system that relies on the principle of checks and balances. This principle is inherent in the legislative institution, namely the DPR, which has the right to carry out its duties, one of which is the right to inquiry. In the election context, the right to inquiry can be used to investigate fraud or violations that occur in the election administration process. However, the use of the right to inquiry currently still raises pros and cons among the public. In response to this, this research aims to understand the juridical considerations regarding the right to inquiry in holding elections and analyze the influence of the right to inquiry on elections. The method used in this research is descriptive normative law by studying or reviewing primary and secondary legal materials. This research shows that the DPR’s right to inquiry cannot influence or cancel the election results. However, the DPR’s right to inquiry can be used to request information from the government regarding the implementation of elections.

Opposition is an important element in a democratic system that functions as a mechanism of control over power. In the context of Indonesian constitutionality, the existence of the opposition is a prerequisite for the realization of a healthy and effective democracy. However, in practice, the term opposition is often equated with the principle of checks and balances, thus causing a blur of meaning between the two. This paper aims to examine the paradigm of the opposition in the Pancasila democratic system and analyze the relationship between the opposition and the principle of checks and balances in the Indonesian constitutional system. This research uses a qualitative method with a normative juridical approach, through a conceptual approach and a legislative approach. An analysis was carried out on the doctrines of constitutional law and provisions in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia related to the implementation of opposition and the principle of checks and balances. This approach was chosen to explore legal issues in depth and find a comprehensive understanding of the role of the opposition in the Indonesian constitutional system. The results of the study show that even though Indonesia does not adhere to a parliamentary or presidential system with two parties, the implementation of the opposition is still relevant and carried out with attention to the values of consensus in Pancasila democracy. The opposition in Indonesia is not confrontational, but constructive and oriented towards strengthening the system of supervision of power. Opposition and the principle of checks and balances are two concepts that are terminologically different, but interrelated and inseparable in Indonesian constitutional practice. Both serve as important instruments in maintaining the balance of power and ensuring accountability in the administration of government. Thus, a proper understanding of the opposition paradigm and the principle of checks and balances is the key to strengthening constitutional democracy in Indonesia.

The political crisis in Myanmar following the 2020 election and the 2021 military coup has created instability in both domestic and international security. This study employs a qualitative method with a literature review approach to analyze the impact of the coup on regional security and ASEAN's response. The findings reveal that the coup led by General Min Aung Hlaing's military junta not only threatened Myanmar's democracy but also triggered human rights violations, economic crisis, and refugee exodus. ASEAN, through mechanisms such as the ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation (AIPR), has attempted to mediate the conflict using a non-interventionist approach, yet its effectiveness is considered weak compared to sanctions imposed by Western countries such as the United States and the European Union. The main challenges for AIPR include its limited mandate, divergent interests among member states, and ASEAN's principle of respecting national sovereignty. This study concludes that a sustainable solution requires a multidimensional approach involving both international pressure and inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders in Myanmar.

This article discusses the urgency of strengthening Pancasila-based political ethics in addressing the challenges of the digital era. Pancasila, as the foundation of the state and a source of public ethics, faces various distortions in digital political practices, such as social media polarization, the spread of hoaxes, and the manipulation of public opinion. In this context, the values of Pancasila—particularly unity, social justice, and deliberation—serve as the moral foundation that must be reinforced through digital literacy and inclusive public policies. The discussion in this paper includes the concept of political ethics, the relevance of Pancasila values in digital spaces, strategies for strengthening these values through digital literacy curricula and public campaigns, and examples of implementation in digital policies and the behavior of online political actors. Using a normative and applicative approach, this paper emphasizes the importance of collaboration between the government, society, and media in creating an ethical and democratic digital ecosystem. Strengthening Pancasila-based political ethics is expected to foster a moral, critical, and inclusive Indonesian digital society.

The role and responsibilities of Regional Regulations differ based on the principles and practices stated in the Constitution/UUD and the Regional Government Law. This role is important in ensuring that every regional legal product produced has good substantive and procedural quality. The purpose of this study is to determine and analyze the existence of the Gorontalo Regional Office of the Ministry of Law in improving the quality of regional legal products produced. The method used in this study is an empirical research type, namely legal research based on the reality that researchers obtain in accordance with data in the field. The Gorontalo Regional Office of Law also pays attention to the principle of public participation. In every mentoring process, the regional government involves the community and stakeholders in the preparation of regional regulations. This is an embodiment of the principle of democracy in a state of law, where the law does not only come from above (top-down), but also from below (bottom-up). This strengthens the legitimacy of the law in the eyes of the community and ensures the sustainability of the implementation of these regulations. The existence of the Gorontalo Regional Office of the Ministry of Law plays a central role in efforts to improve the quality of regional legal products. Through the functions of harmonization, consultation, and legal education that are continuously carried out to local governments and stakeholders, the Regional Office contributes greatly to ensuring that every regional regulation produced meets formal legal aspects, but also reflects justice.

This research aims to explore the role of social media in Indonesia's digital democracy, by highlighting the tension between its function as a tool of hegemony or a means of emancipation. The background of this study is the increasing use of social media by political actors and civil society in voicing, shaping or criticizing public narratives ahead of the 2024 elections. This study uses a critical qualitative approach with a descriptive study design, and applies the Critical Discourse Analysis method and netnographic observation of political content on three main platforms: Twitter, TikTok, and Instagram. Data was collected through literature studies, digital documentation, and observation of user interactions in digital political campaigns. The results show that the digital space is dominated by hegemonic actors such as political elites, partisan buzzers, and platform algorithms that reinforce certain narratives. However, there are also spaces of emancipation formed by digital communities and independent content creators who use social media as a means of political education and symbolic resistance. Counter-narratives that emerge tend to be temporary and are often limited by distribution and visibility controls. These findings have important implications for the development of more critical and participatory digital literacy policies. In addition, this study contributes to the enrichment of critical communication theory, by affirming the importance of viewing social media as a complex pedagogical and ideological field in contemporary democratic practice.