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The aim of this research is to develop a new strategic model for Indonesian border defense by recalibrating the Lykke Framework. It assesses the relevance of the traditional ends–ways–means framework in addressing modern border threats and proposes adding a risk pillar to improve adaptability and multi-domain integration. Using a Systematic Literature Review (SLR), the study examines policy developments, defense doctrines, surveillance technologies, and geopolitical dynamics influencing Indonesian border security. Literature was sourced from international and national databases (ScienceDirect, SpringerLink, SINTA, BRIN, etc.) for publications between 2018–2025. The findings reveal that Indonesia's border regions face complex threats such as sovereignty violations, transnational crime, cyberattacks, and ideological penetration. These challenges highlight the inadequacy of the traditional ends–ways–means framework without incorporating a fourth risk pillar. The study introduces the New Lykke Model, which enhances the strategic framework for integrated military management, considering geopolitical, operational, socio-cultural, and environmental risks. This model offers practical guidance to stakeholders like the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), Bakamla, and the National Police (Polri), aiming to improve border security operations and policy planning. The study is among the first to adapt the Lykke Model to Indonesian border defense, incorporating an integrated risk pillar for a more comprehensive security strategy.

This study investigates Indonesia’s long-term economic transformation across four pivotal eras: the colonial period, the Old Order, the New Order, and the Reformasi era. Employing a descriptive qualitative design with historical analysis, the research elucidates how political transitions, institutional reforms, and global dynamics have interacted to shape the nation's economic architecture. Results indicate that colonial legacies entrenched deep structural inequalities and a dualistic economy, creating a path dependency that continued to influence policy direction after independence. During the Old Order, efforts to assert economic sovereignty were constrained by macroeconomic instability, limited state capacity, and shifting political coalitions. The New Order marked a turning point toward industrialization, macroeconomic stabilization, and openness to foreign investment, generating high growth but also deepening inequality and dependence on external capital. Entering the Reformasi era, decentralization, democratization of governance, and fiscal transparency reshaped institutional frameworks; however, persistent challenges such as regional disparities, productivity gaps, and vulnerability to global shocks remain evident. The study concludes that Indonesia’s economic evolution is non-linear, shaped by historical constraints and gradual institutional adaptation rather than abrupt shifts. Strengthening governance, enhancing domestic industrial competitiveness, and expanding inclusive development policies are essential strategies for supporting long-term resilience. These findings highlight the importance of continuity in policy reform to achieve sustainable growth and to realize the national vision of Indonesia Emas 2045.

This study examines the critical role of expert opinions from the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources (ESDM) during the investigation phase in uncovering gold mining without permit (PETI) crimes under Article 120 of the Indonesian Criminal Procedure Code (KUHAP) in West Kalimantan. The research employs a normative-empirical approach, analyzing legal provisions, government reports, and judicial practices to assess how ESDM experts contribute to establishing the material truth of PETI cases. Findings reveal that expert opinions are indispensable for verifying the absence of permits, assessing environmental damage, and quantifying state losses, thereby strengthening evidentiary frameworks for prosecutors and judges. However, challenges persist, including coordination gaps between law enforcement and ESDM, insufficient technical capacity among investigators, and potential threats to expert independence. The study concludes that optimizing the use of ESDM expertise is not merely procedural but strategic for effective, accountable, and just enforcement against PETI, which remains a significant threat to national resource sovereignty and environmental sustainability.

Historically, water resource management in Indonesia has faced significant complexities, often dominated by commercialization and investment-oriented policies that threaten the fundamental rights of farmers. The Constitutional Court’s decision to annul the previous Water Resources Law marks a crucial turning point, demanding a comprehensive policy reformulation. This entails a shift from a market-based paradigm to one grounded in human rights and social welfare, reaffirming state sovereignty over water for the prosperity of the people. The urgency of this reformulation is compounded by the imminent threat of climate change, which introduces high uncertainty into the hydrological cycle—manifesting as extreme droughts and floods—thereby directly impacting the agricultural sector. This research aims to formulate a climate-adaptive water resource management policy that secures the priority rights of farmers. Employing a Normative Legal Research Method with Statutory and Conceptual Approaches, the findings present a new, holistic legal and institu-tional framework. This framework centers on two pillars: first, the firm assertion and absolute legal protection of irrigation water allocation for farmers, even during periods of scarcity; and second, the adoption of a Climate-Adaptive Governance Model. This governance model integrates a unified climate monitoring system, resilient water infrastructure, and the empowerment of Water User Associations (P3A) at the grassroots level to independently respond to shifting climate patterns. This reformulation is essential for achieving water management that is just, sustainable, and effective in maintaining national food security

This research examines money politics as a root problem in Indonesia’s democratic system, focusing on the 2019 and 2024 general elections. Money politics refers to the practice of distributing cash or goods by candidates, campaign teams, or volunteers to influence voters’ political choices. This study employs a qualitative method with a literature study approach to analyze several cases that occurred across different regions in Indonesia. The findings reveal that money politics was widespread during both elections, with the main modus operandi involving the distribution of cash, basic goods, and facilities. This practice not only violates the principles of free and fair elections but also undermines citizens’ dignity, weakens popular sovereignty, and serves as a major driver of political corruption. Contributing factors include power ambition, vulnerable economic conditions, low political education, weak oversight, and entrenched transactional political culture. To address this issue, the research highlights the importance of political party reform and strengthening democratic education, particularly through civic education programs. These efforts aim to increase political awareness among citizens and improve the overall quality of Indonesia’s democracy.

The dominance of the political party elite (oligarchy) in Indonesia's representative democracy system has shifted the meaning and implementation of the constituent recall doctrine. Although Article 1 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution affirms that sovereignty resides with the people, in practice the recall mechanism is not a constituent right, but rather the exclusive authority of political parties. This study uses a normative legal method with a legislative, conceptual, and comparative approach. The research data was obtained from primary legal materials (the 1945 Constitution, Law Number 2 of 2008 concerning Political Parties, Law Number 2 of 2011 on Amendments to Law Number 2 of 2008 on Political Parties, Law Number 7 of 2017 on General Elections,  Law Number 17 of 2014 on the MPR, DPR, DPD, DPRD (MD3), as well as secondary legal materials in the form of books, scientific journals, and opinions of constitutional law experts. The results of the study show conceptual reduction, namely the transfer of the people's right to revoke the mandate of their representatives to the parties, and categorical reduction, namely the narrowing of the function of recall to an internal party disciplinary tool. The applicable regulations, particularly MD3 Law, give excessive privileges to political parties, thereby severing the substantive relationship between representatives and constituents. This study proposes a participatory and accountable constituent recall   model, with the right of initiative in the hands of the people through public petitions, verification by an independent institution, and a final decision through a real election.

In international relations, it is very necessary to pay attention to what a country can and cannot do when interacting with other countries as a form of respect for sovereignty and international norms. Relations between countries in international life also include the involvement of international organizations that have an important role in maintaining global stability. In accordance with the goal of international organizations to resolve conflicts between countries, one of the conflicts that must be of concern to the world is armed conflict. One of the wars that is still in the spotlight to this day is the war between Israel and Palestine in the Gaza Strip. The research method used in this article is a normative legal research method with a literature approach and a case approach, namely related to war crimes in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the Gaza Strip. The United Nations as part of an international organization within the framework of the Law of the International Organization has made various efforts to maintain peace in Palestine. However, because this war is one of the most complicated, protracted, and fraught with international political importance, its resolution still faces various obstacles that make it difficult to end the conflict to this day.

Land ownership in Indonesia has both philosophical and juridical dimensions closely linked to citizenship status. According to the Basic Agrarian Law (UUPA) of 1960, only Indonesian citizens are entitled to hold full ownership rights over land. This study aims to analyze the philosophical and juridical foundations of citizenship as a prerequisite for land ownership and its implications for social justice and national sovereignty. The research employs a normative legal method with statutory, conceptual, and philosophical approaches. Data are obtained through literature review of legislation, court decisions, and scholarly works, including Ahmad Muhammad Mustain Nasoha’s views on citizenship in the agrarian law context. The results indicate that restrictions on foreign land ownership are not merely administrative policies but a philosophical manifestation of the idea that land is essential to state sovereignty and public welfare. Juridically, this regulation reinforces the principles of nationality and distributive justice within Indonesia’s agrarian legal system. The study concludes that citizenship as a requirement for land ownership functions as a legal safeguard of the nation’s right to the land and a means to achieve social justice.  

Losing citizenship has significant legal consequences, particularly concerning land ownership rights. According to the Basic Agrarian Law (UUPA) No. 5 of 1960, land ownership is only permitted for Indonesian citizens. Therefore, individuals who lose their citizenship status automatically forfeit their right to own land. This study aims to analyze the legal implications of losing citizenship on land ownership rights and the resolution mechanisms outlined in the UUPA. The research employs a normative legal approach using secondary data sources such as laws and regulations, legal literature, and court decisions. The findings indicate that individuals who lose their citizenship are required to relinquish or transfer their land ownership within one year. If this is not done, the ownership rights will be nullified by law, and the land will revert to the state. This reflects the protection of the principles of nationality and national sovereignty in land control. Therefore, resolving land ownership issues for individuals who lose their citizenship is crucial to balancing individual rights and state interests.

In an era of globalization marked by increased cross-border interactions, legal relationships in international contracts have become increasingly complex and demand legal certainty for the parties involved. This study aims to analyze the implementation of choice of law clauses in the settlement of international contract disputes from the perspective of International Civil Law. The method used is normative legal research with a qualitative analytical approach through a review of regulations, doctrines, and relevant legal literature. The results of the study show that choice of law clauses play an important role in providing legal certainty, efficiency in the dispute resolution process, and protection of the interests of the parties. However, its application is still limited by the principle of public policy and mandatory rules in the forum country. Thus, the choice of law clause is an important instrument that reflects the balance between the principle of party autonomy and the principle of state sovereignty in the practice of International Civil Law.

This study discusses the basis of Indonesian society’s obligation to comply with the Marriage Law (UUP) as a manifestation of obedience to both state law and religious teachings. The study arises from the reality that, despite the UUP and the Compilation of Islamic Law (KHI) serving as the legal foundation for marriage in Indonesia, many still violate its provisions, such as through unregistered (siri) marriages. Using a normative juridical approach and qualitative descriptive analysis, this research examines the juridical, philosophical, and sociological foundations of legal obedience to the UUP and its implications for family and social life. The findings show that juridically, obedience to the UUP is grounded in the principle of legality and state sovereignty; philosophically, it reflects the values of Divinity and Humanity embodied in Pancasila; and sociologically, it functions as social engineering to protect women and children while ensuring social order. Compliance with the UUP therefore holds not only legal but also moral and spiritual significance, serving as a means to achieve harmonious families, social order, and a just nation.

This study aims to analyze the phenomenon of authoritarian backsliding or democratic regression in Southeast Asia, focusing on Indonesia and Thailand. Conceptually, backsliding refers to the gradual weakening of democracy through formal and legal mechanisms by political actors within the system itself. The research employs a literature study method, analyzing academic sources and international reports relevant to the topic. The findings indicate that both Indonesia and Thailand have experienced democratic decline characterized by the consolidation of executive power, the weakening of oversight institutions, and restrictions on civil liberties. In Indonesia, democratic regression occurs primarily through executive aggrandizement and strategic manipulation of elections, while in Thailand, it manifests through promissory coups under military dominance. The study concludes that democratic decline in Southeast Asia often occurs not through overt authoritarian takeovers but through a subtle erosion of democratic institutions that undermines popular sovereignty.

With the rise in human migration across national boundaries in the age of globalization, the issue of dual citizenship has become more and more important. Dual citizenship brings up a number of issues in the context of international law about legal status, diplomatic protection, and allegiance to both the nation of origin and the nation of residence. Increased cross-border social interactions that push people to hold several citizenships, technological improvements, and increased global economic integration have all complicated this dynamic. As a nation that upholds the idea of a single citizenship, Indonesia has trouble aligning its national laws with the shifting global legal framework, which governs things like dual citizenship, migration, and statelessness. is often more accepting of the practice of dual citizenship. From an international law standpoint, this research seeks to examine the subject of dual citizenship and its consequences for Indonesia's citizenship legislation and legal system. With a juridical-comparative examination of international legal instruments, scholarly publications, and applicable national legislation, the study uses a normative methodology. The results show that Indonesia's single citizenship concept conflicts with the worldwide trend that prioritizes human rights, diverse identities, and diaspora protection. Indonesia, according to the research, should think about changing its citizenship laws to take into account global concerns while still protecting its sovereignty, national stability, and core national values.

The Free Trade Zone (FTZ) in Tanjung Pinang, established in 2008 along with the Sabang, Karimun, and Bintan zones under Government Regulation No. 41 of 2021, offers several strategic advantages. Its presence provides attractive opportunities for investors through various incentives designed to stimulate regional economic growth. The FTZ concept encourages export-oriented foreign investment and relies on strong infrastructure development to ensure that investors receive efficient and reliable services. Tax exemptions also serve as a major incentive, motivating investors to allocate their capital and thereby contributing to economic expansion. Investment activities play an essential role in accelerating national economic development and supporting both political and economic sovereignty. Through increased investment, a country can better utilize its economic potential and transform it into real economic strength, using both domestic and foreign capital. This allows developing regions to progress toward achieving levels of economic advancement comparable to more developed areas. Ports are a key element in attracting investors, as they help reduce export-related costs, especially taxes that are often relatively high. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Based on policy indicators, the establishment of the Bintan FTZ has not yet been fully effective, as many areas within the region still require further development.

This research aims to analyze Indonesia's presidential system of government through mechanisms of popular control over the president. In a presidential system of government, the president holds full executive power, separate from the legislative and judicial branches. This power must be balanced with strong control mechanisms to prevent abuse of power. One important form of oversight that often receives insufficient attention is direct popular control over the president. The method employed in this research is a juridical-normative method with statutory and conceptual approaches, supported by primary and secondary legal sources, with legal materials collected through literature study. The findings of this research indicate that mechanisms of popular control over the president remain weak, both through legal and political instruments. The impeachment mechanism stipulated in Article 7A of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is extremely complex. Meanwhile, the oversight function of the House of Representatives (DPR) as the people's representative also does not operate optimally due to the dominance of oversized coalitions, which cause parliament to tend to favor the government. Strengthening popular control functions is not intended to weaken presidential power, but rather to ensure that executive power operates in an accountable and transparent manner while remaining subject to the principle of popular sovereignty, so that Indonesia's presidential system becomes more democratic and enjoys strong legitimacy in the eyes of the people.

The background for the establishment of Law Number 27 of 2022 concerning Personal Data Protection raises a critical question that the Indonesian government must address, who will oversee and safeguard the security of citizens' data in public administration systems. The purpose of this study is to examine the implementation of One Data Indonesia through Presidential Regulation Number 39 of 2019 (Perpres No. 39 of 2019) regarding One Data Indonesia, which remains a strong foundation for regulating government data governance. Unfortunately, this regulation does not yet include security aspects, which should be one of the principles of One Data Indonesia. This study explores Perpres No. 39 of 2019 as a critique of the regulation. The findings highlight the importance of incorporating security aspects to protect the sovereignty of government data used in public administration, especially in electronic processes conducted domestically. The principle of data security is a crucial component of the implementation of One Data Indonesia, which will be integrated with various other policy products, such as the Presidential Regulation on Electronic-Based Government Systems, the Presidential Regulation on Accelerating Digital Transformation and Integration of National Digital Services, the Law on Information and Electronic Transactions, the Law on Personal Data Protection, and other relevant regulations.

Public policies in the fields of health, environment, and safety are increasingly subject to disputes through the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism. However, state efforts to protect the public often face claims from investors who consider themselves harmed. This situation carries serious consequences, as states not only bear high litigation costs but may also be required to pay significantly larger compensation if they lose the dispute. This gives rise to regulatory chill, a condition in which governments delay, weaken, or revoke regulations due to concerns over potential investment disputes. Even when some cases result in a state victory, the potential for regulatory chill remains significant, as investors do not need to win disputes to create regulatory uncertainty and pressure policymakers. This phenomenon can manifest in three forms precedential chill, anticipatory chill, and specific response chill, each affecting the policy-making process differently. Regulatory chill narrows the regulatory space, limits state capacity to protect public interests, and creates a deterrent effect on the implementation of new regulations. Using a normative juridical approach enriched with comparative case studies, this paper examines three primary sources of regulatory chill: the economic burden of arbitration and potential compensation, long-term commitments, and institutional limitations in meeting the standard of fair and equitable treatment.

The democratic system implemented in Indonesia is realized through general elections, which are held every five years as a manifestation of people’s sovereignty. Elections provide an arena for political contestation where political parties compete to gain votes and legislative seats, including the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa/PKB). In the 2019 general election, PKB in Tanjungpinang City obtained 5,188 votes or 4.67%, securing two parliamentary seats. By contrast, in the 2024 general election, its vote share increased significantly to 9,765 votes or 7.94%, allowing the party to gain three seats. This increase indicates that the political strategies applied by PKB in Tanjungpinang had a substantial impact and are worth analyzing, as they succeeded in attracting voter support and expanding parliamentary representation. The purpose of this study is to identify and analyze the strategies used by the National Awakening Party in the 2024–2029 Tanjungpinang City Legislative Election. This research also explores strategic approaches not only at the party level but also by individual legislative candidates, who applied their own methods to secure voter trust. The study adopts Peter Schroder’s (2010) theoretical framework on political strategy, which includes situation analysis, strategy control, strategy formulation, strategy implementation, and strategy evaluation. This framework is employed to examine how PKB designed, executed, and assessed its strategic efforts during the electoral process. The findings demonstrate that PKB’s success was not merely due to party-level strategies but also the result of synergy between collective organizational moves and personalized campaign tactics by candidates. These strategies involved effective grassroots engagement, optimized use of political networks, and adaptation to the socio-political context of Tanjungpinang. The implications of this research suggest that comprehensive and adaptive political strategies are essential for increasing electoral gains, and that combining party-driven initiatives with candidate-level innovations can enhance both vote acquisition and seat attainment in legislative elections.

In its ideal form, punishment is conceived as a rational and proportionate response to moral wrongdoing, grounded in demonstrable harm and clear culpability. Classical penological theories emphasize the principles of retribution, deterrence, rehabilitation, and incapacitation, all of which presume the presence of intent and injury. However, in the case of Tom Lembong, punishment was imposed absent any proven crime, malicious intent, or measurable harm. Instead, it became a symbolic act, reconfigured as a performance of political theater to assert and preserve a sovereign narrative. This article advances two interrelated aims. First, it analyzes how the penalization of Tom Lembong reflects a wider pattern wherein legal institutions are repurposed to perform sovereignty and construct legitimacy through public spectacle. Second, it critiques the inadequacy of classical penological frameworks when punishment operates without moral fault or corrective intent. Using a qualitative research method and conceptual approach, this study draws upon library-based data sources, critically engaging with theoretical literature on penology, sovereignty, and post-truth politics. Data analysis was conducted descriptively, allowing conceptual mapping between legal practices and political narratives. The findings indicate that the punishment in this case functioned less as an instrument of legal redress than as political choreography. It transformed into symbolic currency designed to enforce narrative conformity and signal power consolidation. In such contexts, punishment serves not as a corrective measure but as a performative mechanism, signaling the dominance of a political order over competing interpretations of truth. This rupture in classical penological logic calls for a post-penological framework—one that accounts for punishment as a tool of narrative enforcement and symbolic governance within post-truth legal orders. Such a framework recognizes the transformation of legal acts into staged political performances, where the appearance of justice supersedes substantive fairness.

The development of information and communication technology (ICT), particularly the use of Artificial Intelligence (AI), the Internet of Things (IoT), and big data, has transformed Indonesia's national security threat landscape. Threats that previously focused on traditional military aspects have now shifted to non-traditional cyber threats, such as cyberattacks, digital espionage, and infrastructure sabotage. According to PROXSIS IT GRC data, in 2024, more than 19 million cyberattacks were recorded against websites in Indonesia. While this figure is a decrease compared to the previous year, this trend is thought to reflect a shift towards more structured and organized tactics by threat actors. In response, the Indonesian government established the National Cybersecurity Action Plan 2024–2028 as a strategic guideline. Furthermore, cyber diplomacy is being promoted through bilateral and multilateral cooperation, for example through the signing of memorandums of understanding (MoUs) with the UK and Kaspersky. This cooperation includes the exchange of intelligence information, strengthening human resource capacity, raising public awareness regarding cybersecurity, and protecting critical information infrastructure. This study uses non-traditional security theory and defense diplomacy to analyze the strategies, challenges, and prospects of Indonesia's cyber policy. The analysis demonstrates that cyber defense diplomacy plays a crucial role as an instrument for integrating technology, regulation, and international collaboration in safeguarding digital sovereignty. In addition to strengthening threat detection and mitigation capabilities, this diplomacy also builds networks of trust with partner nations, which is essential amidst the increasing complexity of global threats. Therefore, in the era of digital globalization, full of interconnections, cyber defense diplomacy serves not only as a national protection tool but also as Indonesia's contribution to global cybersecurity stability. This effort prioritizes synergy between technological innovation, law enforcement, and sustainable international cooperation.