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This research discusses the Constitutional Court Decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 regarding the minimum age requirement for presidential and vice-presidential candidates as stipulated in Article 169 letter q of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. In that decision, the Constitutional Court ruled that the age limit of 40 years remains in effect, but with an exception for candidates who are not yet 40 years old but have previously or are currently serving as regional heads. This research employs a normative juridical method with legislative and conceptual approaches, analyzing primary legal materials such as the 1945 Constitution, Election Law, and Constitutional Court decisions, supported by secondary legal materials from academic literature and journals. The research findings indicate that the Constitutional Court's considerations are based on the principles of citizens' constitutional rights, open legal policy, and the idea of leadership experience as an alternative age requirement. This decision has positive implications, including opportunities for leadership regeneration and increased political participation by young people, but it also draws criticism for its potential to discriminate against non-regional leaders and create political suspicion. Therefore, a revision of the Election Law is needed to clarify the legal norms resulting from the Constitutional Court's decision so that it does not lead to multiple interpretations and maintains the principle of equality. This research concludes that the Constitutional Court's decision is an opportunity to strengthen democracy, but also a challenge in ensuring constitutional justice in Indonesia.

This study analyzes Kompas.com’s news coverage of the Papua conflict and human rights issues during the 2024 Presidential Debate to examine media neutrality through Norman Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) integrated with Teun A. Van Dijk’s model. The analysis covers three dimensions: micro (text), meso (discursive practice), and macro (social practice), using a qualitative descriptive method. Data from 21 news excerpts reveal that social and political contexts are clearly represented, focusing on the strategies of the three presidential candidates in addressing human rights and conflict issues in Papua. The findings highlight the importance of realizing the Papua-related commitments made during the debate by the elected president, given the rising trend of violence and the unresolved justice issues in the region. The study demonstrates that media coverage, even by a leading news outlet such as Kompas.com, carries the potential to influence public perception regarding sensitive political and social issues. At the micro level, the language and lexical choices in the news articles often convey subtle ideological positions, including the framing of human rights violations and conflict events, which may reflect both explicit and implicit biases. At the meso level, discursive practices, including editorial decisions, headline constructions, and sourcing patterns, contribute to the shaping of narratives, highlighting certain aspects of the candidates’ statements while minimizing others. Meanwhile, at the macro level, the broader societal and political context, including historical grievances, regional tensions, and national political dynamics, provides the backdrop against which news coverage is produced and consumed, indicating the complex interplay between 

Political debates are one of the main elements in the flow of democracy in various countries, including Indonesia. In the context of the general election held by presidential and vice presidential candidates in 2024, the 5th debate is a crucial moment in the political campaign. This study aims to analyze the various communication patterns carried out by each presidential and vice presidential candidate pair in the 5th debate in 2024. The content analysis method is used to identify and analyze the communication methods used by the candidate pairs. Data were obtained from debate transcriptions and analyzed qualitatively to reveal communication patterns, including word choice, speaking style, use of rhetoric, framing, and argumentation strategies. The results of the study show variations in communication patterns between candidate pairs. Each candidate pair uses different communication strategies in their efforts to influence public opinion. Differences in the use of language, rhetoric, and message focus were found between the candidate pairs, reflecting differences in their campaign strategies. This study contributes to the understanding of the dynamics of political communication in the context of political debates in Indonesia. The results of the analysis can provide valuable insights into the understanding of political communication strategies in the democratic process, and provide a foundation for subsequent researchers in this scientific field.

The inconsistency in case rulings and its impact on the principles of separation of powers and the quality of democracy in Indonesia. The case challenges the age limit for presidential and vice-presidential candidates, with the Constitutional Court acknowledging the legal standing of the petitioner despite discrepancies in the outcomes of similar cases. The implications of adding norms in such rulings also raise questions about the legitimacy of Constitutional Court decisions in the political context. This study employs qualitative methods, leading to the conclusion that the decision results in controversy among the public, causing them to lose trust in the constitutional court due to autocratic rulings benefiting political elite. Keywords: Constitutional Court, Democracy.

This research analyzes the Constitutional Court Decision Number 62/PPU-XXII/2024 regarding the constitutionality of the presidential threshold and its implications for the development of inclusive democracy in Indonesia. Using a juridical-normative and conceptual approach, this study examines the presidential threshold provisions as regulated in Article 222 of Law Number 7 of 2017 on General Elections from the perspective of inclusive democracy theory and electoral systems. The results show that the Constitutional Court affirmed the constitutionality of the presidential threshold as an open legal policy of the legislators, while also noting that lawmakers should reconsider the threshold percentage in future revisions of the Election Law. This research identifies a tension between two equally important democratic values: government effectiveness and political representation. On one hand, the presidential threshold can strengthen the presidential system by encouraging political party consolidation and creating more stable governance. On the other hand, this provision potentially limits political inclusivity by reducing the diversity of choices for voters and restricting opportunities for small or new political parties to nominate presidential and vice-presidential candidates independently. This study concludes that to realize a more inclusive democracy following the Constitutional Court Decision, further efforts are needed to reform the electoral system, strengthen political parties, enhance political education, and develop innovations in political participation.

As the 2024 presidential election approaches, mass media widely disseminate information about presidential and vice-presidential candidates. The registration period, from October 19 to 25, 2023, became a major political event that attracted extensive media attention. Ideally, media outlets should report political events independently, without external influence. However, Sindonews.com shows signs of organizational influence in its coverage of the candidate registration process. This study examines the factors shaping news coverage using the Media Content Hierarchy Theory by Shoemaker & Reese (1996), which identifies five levels of influence: individual, media routines, organizational, extramedia, and ideological. Through a qualitative case study method, employing in-depth interviews, documentation, and observation, the findings reveal that organizational influence is the dominant factor affecting Sindonews.com's reporting. This is largely due to its affiliation with Harry Tanoesoedibjo, who owns Sindonews.com and leads Partai Perindo, a party that supported Ganjar Pranowo and Mahfud MD in the 2024 election. Consequently, the media coverage reflected this political alignment, underscoring how ownership and political affiliations impact journalistic objectivity in Indonesia’s digital news landscape.

The Constitutional Court (MK) regarding the Election Law on the presidential and vice presidential nomination threshold. Since the presidential election was held directly, the issue of the threshold for nominating presidential and vice presidential candidates has always surfaced every time a presidential election is held. In 2004, for example, the presidential nomination threshold was 10 percent. This research is a juridical-normative research, namely a process to find legal rules, legal principles, and legal doctrines in order to answer the legal issues faced. The data was analyzed descriptively-qualitatively.The results of this study indicate that the Constitutional Court Decision Number 74/PUU-XVII/2020 concerning the presidential nomination threshold (Presidential Threshold) is one of the important decisions in the discourse of democracy in Indonesia. The following is an explanation of the Ratio Decidendi of the decision in relation to the concept of democracy: Constitutionality of the Presidential Threshold The Constitutional Court (MK) in its decision emphasized that the presidential threshold or presidential nomination threshold is constitutional. This means that the provisions regarding the threshold do not conflict with the 1945 Constitution. The Constitutional Court is of the opinion that the presidential threshold is an open legal policy (Open Legal Policy) which is the authority of the lawmakers, namely the House of Representatives (DPR) and the President. The purpose of the Presidential Threshold, the Constitutional Court explained that the purpose of the presidential threshold is to simplify the party system and the presidential system, as well as to create government stability. The Ratio Decidendi of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 74/Puu-XXII/2024, Number 87/Puu-XXII/2024, Number 129/Puu-XXI/2023, Number 131/Puu-XXI 2023 concerning the Presidential Nomination Threshold is the Presidential Threshold is constitutional and does not conflict with the principles of democracy.

The Constitutional Court is a judicial institution in Indonesia which was established on August 13, 2003. The Constitutional Court has the authority regulated in article 24C of the 1945 Constitution and Law Number 24 of 2003 concerning the Constitutional Court which was later updated to Law Number 8 of 2011. The Constitutional Court has a principle in making a decision on the material test of the law against the Constitution, which applies to everyone, final, independent and impartial. The Constitutional Court's (MK) decision regarding the age limit for presidential and vice presidential candidates (presidential and vice presidential candidates) in Case Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 continues to reap pros and cons. In the decision, the Constitutional Court granted part of the application that tested Article 169 letter q of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. This study aims to identify and analyze disputes over the Constitutional Court Decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 concerning the material test of article 169 letter q of Law number 7 of 2017 concerning general elections in terms of juridical aspects. The research method used is a literature study of the Constitutional Court decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 with a focus on normative legal analysis. The results of the study show that the Constitutional Court's decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 is formally inconsistent with Law Number 49 of 2009 concerning Judicial Power and Constitutional Court Regulation No. 2/PMK/2021.

This study aims to analyze the framing in Kompas.com's editorials on the 2024 Indonesian Presidential Election using Robert N. Entman’s framing model. A qualitative descriptive approach was employed to explore framing elements, including define problems, diagnose causes, make moral judgment, and treatment recommendation. The findings reveal that Kompas.com framed the news by providing positive moral evaluations of certain candidates and highlighting critical issues, although the causes of problems and solutions were not always explicitly addressed. These results underscore the significant role of editorials as a media tool in shaping public perceptions of presidential candidates and political issues. Editorial framing not only constructs political realities but also influences public opinion, highlighting the importance of transparency and objectivity in political reporting.

The Presidential Threshold is a rule that sets the minimum threshold percentage of votes that a political party is required to achieve, in order to nominate or carry presidential and vice presidential candidates in the election contestation. This system is designed to filter out candidates who are considered qualified, the hope is that only candidates with high electability levels can run. However, its implementation is often a source of controversy because it is considered to hamper potential candidates from small parties or independents who may have quality, but are less known to the public. As a result, the dominance of major parties in the presidential candidacy limits people's choices and does not reflect the existing political diversity. In the Indonesian system of government, where the president and the DPR are independent institutions, the Presidential threshold system is considered incompatible with the principles of inclusive and representative democracy. This provision was first implemented through Article 5 paragraph (5) of Law Number 23 Year 2003 on the General Election of the President and Vice President, and has continued to be used in subsequent presidential elections. This article focuses on the effectiveness of the Presidential Threshold in the Indonesian political context and its impact on political participation, democratic representation, and constitutional law.

In the 2024 presidential election, political activity on social media is very intensive, with the aim of attracting people's attention and voting power towards presidential candidates. However, the low literacy level of Indonesian society often triggers negative behavior such as hate speech. This research aims to describe the behavior of hate speech on social media towards the 2024 Presidential candidate of the Republic of Indonesia. The method used in this research is a qualitative approach. The research results show that there are still many individuals who use social media to express their dislike of presidential candidates in negative ways, including through hate speech. Many social media users are unaware of the legal implications of their actions. This situation requires public vigilance and wisdom in using social media to avoid negative things. To overcome this problem, digital literacy is not enough to just focus on models such as critical consuming, functional prosuming, and critical prosuming. This research suggests adding a moral values ​​model that includes two main indicators: ethical behavior and motivation skills. Hate speech can appear either in the form of hoaxes or true information, so a moral value-based approach is very necessary to increase people's awareness and responsibility in interacting in cyberspace. This research emphasizes the importance of more comprehensive digital literacy education to combat the spread of hate speech on social media during the 2024 presidential election.

Pada tahun 2024, Indonesia akan menyelenggarakan pemilihan umum serentak yang meliputi pemilihan presiden dan pemilihan wakil rakyat di seluruh Indonesia. Masyarakat menanggapi kejadian ini dengan perasaan campur aduk, membagikan pemikirannya di situs media sosial seperti Twitter. Penelitian analisis sentimen calon presiden Indonesia tahun 2024 dilakukan terkait peristiwa ini. Sebanyak 1458 tweet digunakan dalam penelitian ini. Dengan 40,31% responden menyatakan sikap positif dan 43,46% menyatakan sentimen negatif, temuan analisis menunjukkan keseimbangan antara kedua sentimen tersebut. Menggunakan frasa "calon presiden," program Python di situs web Google Colab mengambil data twitter. Pendekatan K-Nearest Neighbor digunakan dalam proses klasifikasi. Selain itu data latih dibagi 6 : 4. 40% data uji dan 60% data latih. Nilai evaluasi yang diperoleh dari pengujian model dengan teknik K-Nearest Neighbor adalah akurasi sebesar 90,95%, presisi sebesar 62,17%, recall sebesar 62,33%, dan F-Measure sebesar 61,87%.

This article examines the constitutional deviation of the age limit for presidential and vice presidential candidates in 2024 in two news media, Kompas.com and CNNIndonesia.com. The research uses Robert Entman's four framing elements and 21 news articles from Kompas.com and CNNIndonesia.com. Results show Kompas.com raises issues supporting Anwar Usman's vice presidential nomination, while CNNIndonesia.com addresses deficiencies in the decision sent by Usman, resulting in eight judges rejecting changes in age limit requirements.

The Constitutional Court's ruling on the age limit of a candidate vice president. With the results of research showing that, the regulation on a presidential candidate's age limit was less than 40 years later, it was only in the Act No. 7 of 2017 that the age limits of a vice president's candidate were 40 years. Since there are frequent changes in the age limit, it is necessary to clearly regulate the age of the candidate Vice President and harmonize the draft made by the House with the 1945 UUD to reduce the application for judicial review to the Constitutional Court.

The debate on the age limit for presidential and vice-presidential candidates is an important issue in the context of Indonesian democracy. Democracy emphasizes the principles of equality and participation, while meritocracy emphasizes competence and experience. Currently, the minimum age limit for presidential candidates in Indonesia is 35 years old. Debates have arisen over the relevance of this age in the current political context, with arguments in favor of the role of younger generations bringing innovation versus the need for experience and wisdom. This study aims to re-evaluate the age limit for presidential candidates in Indonesia from historical, constitutional and international comparative perspectives, and examine its impact on political dynamics and leadership quality. The research methodology involves literature analysis and recent case studies. The results are expected to contribute significantly to the discussion on the age limit for presidential candidates and its implications for democracy and meritocracy in Indonesia.

The 2024 Presidential Election in Indonesia is an important moment in political history, with significant involvement from Generation Z (Gen Z). This research aims to analyze the characteristics of Gen Z voting behavior in the Medan State University Student Scout Movement (UNIMED) organization and evaluate the influence of Scout organizational activities on political behavior and decisions to elect Gen Z members at UNIMED. Using qualitative descriptive methods, data was collected through interviews and references from various journals and websites. The research results show that fast access to information via social media influences Gen Z's political views. In addition, Scout activities that focus on character and leadership development also contribute to their political behavior. It is hoped that these findings will enrich academic literature regarding voter behavior, especially Gen Z in Indonesia, as well as provide insight for political parties, presidential candidates and political observers in formulating more effective strategies to attract support from young voters. This research also provides a deeper understanding of the importance of political education and active involvement in the election process for the younger generation.

This research tries to analyze the influence of President Jokowi in the decision of Case number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 regarding the minimum age of presidential candidates and vice presidential candidates. We know that President Jokowi's name has recently become a topic of conversation, with rumors that he wants to nominate his son. became vice president, but in this case President Jokowi experienced a constitutional obstacle, namely that his son, Gibran, was still 36 years old. Who cannot be nominated because the requirement to become vice president in the 2024 presidential election must be 40 years old. This is an obstacle for President Jokowi to nominate his son to be vice president, who according to rumors has emerged as a pair with Prabowo Subianto. This research tries to understand how much influence there is in political intervention on the State Administration system and the influence of the family in the Constitutional Court's decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023. The results of the research show that the Constitutional Court's decision regarding the age limit for presidential and vice presidential candidates in October 2023 is a judicial decision that shows the family's interests because first, the discussion of the judicial review of the law is procedurally flawed