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The book on the City of God and the City of Man is a masterpiece by St. Augustine that is very influential in the history of philosophy and theology. This book contains the background of Augustine's philosophical and theological reflections on the accusation of the destruction of the Roman Empire against Christianity. The City of God described in Augustine's perspective is a city that prioritizes love for God. While the City of Man is a city that reflects self-love. The implications of both types of cities in Augustine's perspective are very relevant to be discussed in the discourse on the concept of statehood. This paper also aims to analyze the relationship between democracy and capitalism in the perspective of Augustine of Hippo's thought, especially through the concept of civitas Dei (City of God) and civitas terrena (World City). This study uses a qualitative method with a library research approach. The results of this study show that democracy and capitalism, although providing space for freedom, are vulnerable to deviations when not guided by the correct moral orientation. In light of Augustine's thought, the crisis in modern democracy such as; Money politics, media manipulation, and anarchic demonstrations reflect the dominance of self-love (amor sui) that characterizes the civitas terrena. Therefore, democracy can only operate fairly if it is rooted in moral values ​​that lead to the common good (Bonum communae).

The book on the City of God and the City of Man is a masterpiece by St. Augustine that is very influential in the history of philosophy and theology. This book contains the background of Augustine's philosophical and theological reflections on the accusation of the destruction of the Roman Empire against Christianity. The City of God described in Augustine's perspective is a city that prioritizes love for God. While the City of Man is a city that reflects self-love. The implications of both types of cities in Augustine's perspective are very relevant to be discussed in the discourse on the concept of statehood. This paper also aims to analyze the relationship between democracy and capitalism in the perspective of Augustine of Hippo's thought, especially through the concept of civitas Dei (City of God) and civitas terrena (World City). This study uses a qualitative method with a library research approach. The results of this study show that democracy and capitalism, although providing space for freedom, are vulnerable to deviations when not guided by the correct moral orientation. In light of Augustine's thought, the crisis in modern democracy such as; Money politics, media manipulation, and anarchic demonstrations reflect the dominance of self-love (amor sui) that characterizes the civitas terrena. Therefore, democracy can only operate fairly if it is rooted in moral values ​​that lead to the common good (Bonum communae).

This study aimsmto examineiin depthvthe perspective of information technology law and human rights on the phenomenon of political buzzers on social media within the context of digital development in the era of globalization. This research is motivated by the rapid advancement of information technology, which has brought significant changes in various aspects of society, including the political sphere that increasingly utilizes social media as a means of communication and information dissemination. The phenomenon of political buzzers has become a controversial issue, particularly during election periods, as it is often associated with the spread of inaccurate information, defamation, hate speech, and the manipulation of public opinion that may harm society and disrupt social stability. This study employs a normative legal research method using statutory and conceptual approaches. The results indicate that political buzzers generally operate under the justification of freedom of expression as part of human rights. However, such freedom is not absolute and must be limited to prevent violations of others' rights and to maintain public order. In this regard, information technology law in Indonesia, particularly through regulations governing digital activities, plays an important role in controlling deviant buzzer practices. Nevertheless, the absence of specific regulations explicitly governing political buzzers has resulted in less optimal law enforcement. Therefore, strengthening regulations and increasing public awareness in the wise use of social media are necessary to create a healthy, responsible, and sustainable digital ecosystem.

This article examines the relationship between Islamic politics and democracy in contemporary Indonesia. As the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, Indonesia presents a distinctive dynamic in the interaction between Islamic values and modern democratic systems. This study aims to analyze how Islamic political actors, including political parties and religious organizations, interact with and adapt to democratic practices in the post-Reform era. The research employs a qualitative method through a literature review of Indonesian academic journals published within the last five years. The findings indicate that Islamic politics in Indonesia is plural and dynamic, showing an adaptive tendency toward democratic principles. Islamic values such as deliberation (shura), justice, and equality are considered compatible with democratic ideals. However, Islamic politics also faces contemporary challenges, including the politicization of religion, identity politics, and social polarization. The article concludes that the relationship between Islamic politics and democracy in Indonesia is dynamic and largely adaptive within the framework of the Pancasila state.

This article examines three major streams of Islamic political thought in Indonesia through a comparative analysis of the ideas of Mohammad Natsir, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, and Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur). Mohammad Natsir embodies the constitutional–integralist perspective, which seeks to formalize Islam as the foundation of the state by utilizing democratic mechanisms and constitutional political processes. In contrast, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir reflects a radical–ideological orientation that firmly rejects democracy and advocates the full implementation of Islamic Sharia through extra-constitutional and non-parliamentary movements. Meanwhile, Abdurrahman Wahid represents a substantive–cultural approach, opposing the formal institutionalization of Islam within the state while promoting Islamic values as ethical guidance for building a tolerant and pluralistic nation. The contrasting viewpoints of these three figures highlight the diversity of Islamic political discourse in Indonesia and illustrate the evolving interaction between religion and state. Overall, this study demonstrates how Islamic thought continues to adapt and remain relevant within Indonesia’s multicultural and democratic context.

This study analyzes the politics of spatial planning in the land-use conversion of the Bowosie Forest in Labuan Bajo as part of the National Strategic Project (PSN) for tourism development. The transformation of the forest into an economic tourism zone demonstrates that spatial planning is not neutral, but rather an arena of power relations among the state, investors, and local communities. Through regulatory instruments such as revisions of the Regional Spatial Plan (RTRW), ministerial decrees on forest release, and the granting of Management Rights (HPL) to BPOLBF, the state has facilitated tourism investment and the commodification of space. Using a qualitative approach and David Harvey’s theory of Accumulation by Dispossession, the study finds that these policies have produced three forms of exclusion: spatial exclusion (loss of access to land and water sources), political exclusion (limited community participation in decision-making), and economic exclusion (development benefits concentrated among investors). The village government occupies a structurally limited position due to the top-down nature of the policy framework. The study concludes that the conversion of the Bowosie Forest reflects a process of capital accumulation legalized through state regulation, highlighting the need for more inclusive and socially just spatial planning.

This study aims to analyze the impact of the geopolitical conflict between the United States, Israel, and Iran in 2026 on global macroeconomic stability and climate change dynamics. Using a qualitative approach through a Systematic Literature Review (SLR), this research synthesizes findings from various international journal articles, reports, and academic sources. The results indicate that the conflict has significantly disrupted global energy markets, leading to a sharp increase in oil and gas prices. This energy shock has triggered global inflationary pressures, reduced purchasing power, and increased economic uncertainty across both developed and developing countries. Furthermore, monetary tightening policies implemented to control inflation have created trade-offs with economic growth, increasing the risk of global recession. On the fiscal side, government interventions such as energy subsidies have helped mitigate short-term impacts but have raised concerns about long-term fiscal sustainability. In addition, the energy crisis has slowed the transition toward renewable energy, thereby exacerbating climate change risks. The study highlights the interconnectedness between geopolitical conflict, macroeconomic instability, and environmental sustainability. Therefore, coordinated global policies and integrated economic strategies are essential to address these multidimensional challenges effectively.

This study explores how young legislative candidates at the local level utilize Instagram as a campaign medium in the era of political digitalism. The focus is on two DPRD candidates in Tangerang City during the 2024 election in Electoral District 3 (Cipondoh–Pinang): Muhamad Azka Nur Fauzi from the National Mandate Party and Ashma Nafilah Maulida from the Prosperous Justice Party. Employing a qualitative descriptive approach and in-depth interviews with key informants, this research analyzes their personal branding strategies using Peter Montoya’s eight laws of personal branding.  The findings reveal that despite their relatively small number of followers, both candidates successfully built authentic and community-relevant political images. MANF emphasized UMKM development and religiosity, aligning with his personal background, while ANM highlighted humanistic social programs and her unique writing hobby. Nevertheless, both still showed weaknesses in several of Montoya’s principles, particularly distinctiveness and visibility consistency. The study concludes that Instagram is not merely a low-cost promotional tool but a strategic platform for local candidates to foster public trust, provided their personal branding remains authentic, consistent, and responsive to local needs.

Women’s representation in legislative institutions is an important indicator for assessing the quality of democracy and gender equality in a political system. Indonesia has implemented an affirmative policy requiring a minimum quota of 30% female candidates in legislative elections. However, its implementation at the local level still faces various challenges. This study aims to analyze the phenomenon of tokenism and the forms of women’s political representation in the nomination and election process of members of the Cilegon City Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) for the 2024–2029 period. This research employs a qualitative method with a descriptive approach using literature review and secondary data analysis. The analysis is based on Hanna Pitkin’s theory of political representation, which categorizes representation into four types: formal, symbolic, descriptive, and substantive. The findings show that only 4 out of 40 seats in the Cilegon City DPRD are occupied by women, representing approximately 10% of the total membership, and this figure has remained unchanged compared to the previous period. This condition indicates a gap between the fulfillment of the female candidate quota at the nomination stage and the low level of electoral success. Furthermore, the political recruitment process within parties also reflects indications of tokenism, where female candidates are often included merely to fulfill administrative requirements without sufficient political support. As a result, women’s representation in the Cilegon DPRD tends to remain at the formal and descriptive levels, while substantive representation remains a challenge in local political practice.

The reform of Indonesia’s criminal law through Law Number 1 of 2023 concerning the Criminal Code (KUHP) marks a fundamental shift in the national criminal justice system, particularly through the formal recognition of the living law as law that lives within society. This article analyzes the correlation between living law and the principle of legality within the context of national criminal law reform. The study employs a normative juridical method with statutory, conceptual, and comparative approaches to examine how the 2023 Criminal Code seeks to balance legal certainty with substantive justice. The findings indicate that the regulation of the principle of legality in Article 1 of the KUHP remains the primary foundation for ensuring the protection of individual rights and preventing arbitrary state actions. However, the recognition of living law under Article 2 of the KUHP expands the sources of criminal law beyond written statutes to include social values living within the community, insofar as they are consistent with Pancasila, general legal principles, and human rights. The relationship between the principle of legality and living law in the 2023 KUHP is not antagonistic but rather complementary and harmonious. Living law enriches the legality principle substantively through moral and social justice dimensions, while the legality principle serves as a normative safeguard to maintain legal certainty and prevent the abuse of power. Therefore, the integration of both principles reflects a new paradigm of Indonesian criminal law that is pluralistic, just, and civilized, reaffirming the nation’s legal politics grounded in Pancasila values and the principles of a democratic rule of law.

This study aims to analyze gender-based political violence in the 2020 Regional Head Elections in South Tangerang City and its impact on women’s representation in politics. The case analyzed involves social media attacks against Rahayu Saraswati Djojohadikusumo during her campaign for Deputy Mayor, in which an old photo of her while pregnant was used as material for sexually charged attacks. This study employs a qualitative method using a case study approach through literature review. The analysis utilizes Kate Manne’s theory of misogyny, which views misogyny as a social mechanism within the patriarchal system to control and discipline women entering the public sphere. The results of the study indicate that gender-based political violence manifests in the form of the moral delegitimization of women, digital intimidation or harassment, policing of women in public spaces, and the objectification of women’s bodies. These phenomena demonstrate that gender bias remains a barrier for women in securing equal space in local political contests.

This research is driven by the increasing strength of religion-based identity politics in Indonesia’s post-reform electoral democracy, which creates a dilemma between legitimate political competition and threats to interfaith harmony. The problem formulation of this study concerns how identity politics challenges religious harmony and to what extent harmony can serve as an instrument to reduce polarization and reinforce democratic consolidation. The research questions focus on two main aspects: (1) how the dynamics of harmony are tested by the exploitation of religious issues within electoral contests, and (2) how harmonization strategies can function as social capital in maintaining democratic stability. Using a qualitative approach with a juridical-normative and socio-political framework, this study relies on a literature review involving laws and regulations, court decisions, official state documents, and national and international academic works, combined with content analysis of religiously nuanced political narratives in media and public discourse. The findings indicate that harmony is not a natural social condition but a socio-political construction that is vulnerable to instrumentalization by electoral interests. FKUB and harmony-related regulations tend to remain normative and less effective in the absence of substantive justice. Nonetheless, harmony still holds potential as strategic capital for democracy if it is developed through a framework of justice, religious political literacy, and inclusive democratic governance.

The COVID-19 pandemic emerged as a global health crisis that revealed China's political strategies in intricate ways. This study examines the political aspects of China's response to the outbreak, focusing on its information management, domestic policies, and international diplomacy. By analyzing narratives surrounding the virus's origins and its global spread, the research also assessed the pandemic's impact on Indo-China relations[1] across diplomatic and economic dimensions. The pandemic period also coincided with a sharp deterioration in bilateral trust between India and China, highlighted by the Galwan Valley clash and subsequent tensions along the Line of Actual Control, which deepened strategic mistrust and hardened India’s policy stance. The findings illuminate how political maneuvering has redefined China's geopolitical standing during this crisis, providing insights into the evolving landscape of Indo-Pacific relations. By uncovering these complexities, this study contributes to a nuanced understanding of health geopolitics and the underlying power dynamics.    

This study analyzes George Orwell's novel Animal Farm as a reflection of social conflicts in the 1917 Russian Revolution using M.H. Abrams' mimetic approach. The novel functions as an allegory, with Mr. Jones representing Tsar Nicholas II, Snowball as Leon Trotsky, and Napoleon as Joseph Stalin. Through the mimetic approach, this research identifies how the rebellion, power struggles, and the corruption of revolutionary ideals are depicted in the novel, ultimately leading to dictatorship that mirrors the regime they initially rejected. Orwell highlights how the revolution's original vision of equality was ultimately betrayed by the new leaders. The findings of this study show that Animal Farm not only critiques Stalinism but also reflects broader social and political phenomena related to the concentration of power, abuse of authority, and the cyclical nature of power in history. This study supports mimetic theory by demonstrating how literature can deeply reflect historical realities, contributing to the discourse in both literature and politics, and serving as a reminder of the dangers of authoritarianism.

This study analyzes George Orwell's novel Animal Farm as a reflection of social conflicts in the 1917 Russian Revolution using M.H. Abrams' mimetic approach. The novel functions as an allegory, with Mr. Jones representing Tsar Nicholas II, Snowball as Leon Trotsky, and Napoleon as Joseph Stalin. Through the mimetic approach, this research identifies how the rebellion, power struggles, and the corruption of revolutionary ideals are depicted in the novel, ultimately leading to dictatorship that mirrors the regime they initially rejected. Orwell highlights how the revolution's original vision of equality was ultimately betrayed by the new leaders. The findings of this study show that Animal Farm not only critiques Stalinism but also reflects broader social and political phenomena related to the concentration of power, abuse of authority, and the cyclical nature of power in history. This study supports mimetic theory by demonstrating how literature can deeply reflect historical realities, contributing to the discourse in both literature and politics, and serving as a reminder of the dangers of authoritarianism.

Diversity is an inherent aspect of social life, particularly in a multicultural society like Indonesia, which comprises various ethnicities, races, cultures, and religions. Differences in belief should not lead to conflict but instead foster mutual respect and peaceful coexistence. Islam, as a religion of rahmatan lil ‘alamin (a blessing for all creation), upholds tolerance as a fundamental social value. However, the Qur'an outlines certain limits to ensure tolerance does not compromise core principles of faith. This study aims to explore the concept and boundaries of religious tolerance from the perspectives of three prominent Nusantara exegetes: Shaikh Nawawi al-Bantani, Muhammad Hasbi al-Shiddieqy, and Buya Hamka, while identifying similarities and differences in their views. Using a library research method with a comparative descriptive analysis, the study examines their interpretations. The findings reveal that all three scholars share a consistent understanding of tolerance as an attitude of mutual respect, understanding, and acceptance of differences to achieve a peaceful and harmonious society. Nevertheless, they differ in defining its limits. Nawawi al-Bantani includes aspects of faith and politics, Hasbi emphasizes moral-based social interactions, and Hamka confines tolerance to social relations not related to faith.

Gender inequality in Indonesian politics forms part of broader structural and cultural dynamics that shape women’s positions in the public sphere. In historical studies, the thought of R.A. Kartini is often interpreted primarily as a symbol of educational and moral emancipation, while the political dimension of her ideas receives limited attention. This study aims to examine Kartini’s political thought as reflected in her letters, positioning her as a political subject who articulated critiques of social structures, customary norms, and patriarchal power relations through non-formal means. This research adopts a qualitative approach with a library-based research design. The data are derived from an analysis of Kartini’s letters compiled in Door Duisternis tot Licht and supported by relevant academic literature. A descriptive-analytical method with a thematic approach is employed to explore political ideas and discourses embedded in the texts. Kartini’s thought in this study is understood as a form of political awareness that extends beyond individual emancipation and relates to broader issues of women’s political participation. This research contributes to the study of women’s politics by offering a historical perspective that places women as political subjects.

Faith is often understood as a personal and spiritual relationship with God; however, in Catholic theology, faith also possesses an inherent social and political dimension. This study examines the relationship between Christian faith and citizenship through a theological reflection on the political participation of Catholics in Indonesia. The research aims to demonstrate that faith and political engagement are not separate spheres but mutually enriching dimensions of the Christian vocation to promote justice, solidarity, and the common good. Employing a qualitative method with a literature review approach, this study analyzes biblical foundations, the teachings of the Second Vatican Council, and the Church’s social doctrine, alongside contemporary discussions on political participation. The findings indicate that political participation can be understood as a concrete expression of faith and moral responsibility, particularly through civic engagement, political education, advocacy, and social involvement. Nevertheless, many Catholics remain passive due to negative perceptions of politics, corruption, and a lack of political formation. The study also highlights the importance of maintaining the Church’s moral autonomy while encouraging lay participation in practical politics. In the Indonesian context, the principle “100% Catholic, 100% Indonesian” reflects an integrated identity in which religious commitment strengthens civic responsibility. Ultimately, this research affirms that authentic faith necessarily leads to active citizenship, where Catholics contribute prophetically and ethically to the transformation of society and the realization of the common good.

This study examines Banten Lama as a political symbol that shapes regional identity in Banten Province. As the former center of the Banten Sultanate from the 16th to the 18th century, the site holds not only historical and religious significance but also functions as a symbolic space influencing political legitimacy and the construction of collective identity in contemporary Banten society. Using a qualitative approach with a case study design, this research analyzes how local government, political elites, and communities negotiate the symbolic meanings of Banten Lama through ritual practices, public discourse, and revitalization policies. Data were collected through literature review, non-participatory observation, visual documentation, and examination of policy documents. The findings reveal that Banten Lama operates as a symbolic arena that intertwines historical narratives, Islamic spirituality, and political interests. The government employs symbols of the former sultanate to construct moral legitimacy and a religious political image, while local communities interpret Banten Lama as a spiritual space and a source of economic livelihood. Although the use of historical symbols strengthens regional identity, it also gives rise to symbolic politics that often dominate public space without being accompanied by substantive policy outcomes. This study concludes that the governance of Banten Lama requires participatory and culturally grounded approaches to ensure the sustainable preservation of its historical and social values.

The transformation of political communication in the digital era has fundamentally altered the ways political parties and their affiliated wing organizations interact with party cadres and the broader public. In Indonesia, party wing organizations such as Angkatan Muda Pembaharuan Indonesia (AMPI), Angkatan Muda Partai Golkar (AMPG), and other youth wings increasingly rely on social media as the primary medium for political cadre formation. However, this shift has not only created new opportunities for participation but has also generated structural problems, including the dominance of symbolic communication, the personalization of political elites, and the subordination of ideological discourse to the algorithmic logic of digital platforms. This article aims to critically examine how the digital political communication of party wing organizations operates within the context of Indonesia’s representative democracy, the extent to which it constitutes a deliberative public sphere for young cadres, and how such practices affect the quality of political cadre formation. Employing a critical paradigm and a transdisciplinary qualitative approach, the study integrates Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, Aeron Davis’s evaluation of democratic communication, and the concept of the mediatization of politics. The findings indicate that the digital communication of party wings tends to function primarily as an instrument of symbolic consolidation and loyalty mobilization rather than as an arena for dialogical political education. Consequently, digital cadre formation produces representational identities more than critical political consciousness. This article therefore recommends a reorientation of the digital political communication of party wing organizations toward deliberative and emancipatory models in order to strengthen internal party democracy and promote substantive political regeneration.