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Constitutional Court Decision No. 135/PUU-XXII/2024, which separates the schedules for national elections (2029) and regional elections (2031), has the potential to create a legislative vacuum or institutional void in the Regional People’s Representative Councils (DPRD) during the 2029–2031 transition period. This is because the terms of office for DPRD members elected in the 2024 elections end in 2029, while the next elections will not be held until 2031, and there are currently no transitional provisions governing the mechanism for filling these vacancies. This study aims to analyze the legal implications of the decision regarding the potential for a DPRD vacancy and to evaluate the limits of the Constitutional Court’s authority in determining the design of synchronized elections. Using a normative legal research method with legislative, conceptual, and case-based approaches, this study identified three alternative mechanisms for filling DPRD vacancies: by-elections, term extensions, or amending the law with transitional provisions. The term extension option is deemed the most proportionate as it prioritizes legal certainty and legitimacy. This ruling has also sparked debate as it is viewed as exceeding the Constitutional Court’s authority as a negative legislator and entering the realm of open legal policy, although substantively it opens space for strengthening local democracy. The government and the House of Representatives are recommended to immediately revise the Election Law and the Regional Government Law by adding transitional provisions that explicitly regulate the mechanism for filling vacancies in the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD) during the 2029–2031 transition period in a careful and participatory manner.

Women’s representation in legislative institutions is an important indicator for assessing the quality of democracy and gender equality in a political system. Indonesia has implemented an affirmative policy requiring a minimum quota of 30% female candidates in legislative elections. However, its implementation at the local level still faces various challenges. This study aims to analyze the phenomenon of tokenism and the forms of women’s political representation in the nomination and election process of members of the Cilegon City Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) for the 2024–2029 period. This research employs a qualitative method with a descriptive approach using literature review and secondary data analysis. The analysis is based on Hanna Pitkin’s theory of political representation, which categorizes representation into four types: formal, symbolic, descriptive, and substantive. The findings show that only 4 out of 40 seats in the Cilegon City DPRD are occupied by women, representing approximately 10% of the total membership, and this figure has remained unchanged compared to the previous period. This condition indicates a gap between the fulfillment of the female candidate quota at the nomination stage and the low level of electoral success. Furthermore, the political recruitment process within parties also reflects indications of tokenism, where female candidates are often included merely to fulfill administrative requirements without sufficient political support. As a result, women’s representation in the Cilegon DPRD tends to remain at the formal and descriptive levels, while substantive representation remains a challenge in local political practice.

This article examines the limitation of transparency within the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR) during the formulation of the Job Creation Act (Law No. 11 of 2020) and its implications for legislative performance and public participation. Transparency represents a fundamental requirement in a democratic legal system as it ensures accountability, public oversight, and the legitimacy of legal products. However, the legislative process of the Job Creation Act demonstrated significant procedural issues, including inconsistent draft versions, restricted access to essential documents, accelerated deliberation, and the marginalization of meaningful public participation. This study highlights how these limitations hinder the public’s constitutional rights, weaken legislative oversight, and create asymmetrical power relations that enable elite dominance in policymaking. The lack of transparency also led to procedural defects acknowledged by the Constitutional Court, reflecting a systemic decline in democratic legislative practices. Using a normative juridical method supported by legislative analysis and doctrinal studies, this paper argues that the absence of transparency not only reduces the quality of participation but also erodes the legitimacy and accountability of the DPR. The findings emphasize the urgent need for open access to legislative documents, inclusive public consultation, and strengthened accountability mechanisms to ensure democratic and lawful policy making.  

The 17+8 demands voiced by the public reflect the accumulation of disillusionment with various government policies and violations committed, especially by the House of Representatives (DPR). Policies that are considered unfair and detrimental to the public trigger a strong push to carry out reforms that are more democratic and oriented towards the interests of the people. Various factors such as human rights violations, lack of transparency and accountability, economic inequality, and polemics related to official allowances are the main triggers for the birth of these demands. The demands of 17+8 not only contain burdens or criticisms, but also contain short-term and long-term goals that can be the basis for improving governance. This momentum should be seen as a strategic opportunity to strengthen democracy, improve state-citizen relations, and restore public trust. If these demands are taken seriously, the government has the potential to reduce the legitimacy crisis and improve the quality of public services. On the contrary, ignoring such demands can deepen public distrust and worsen political stability. Thus, the demands of 17+8 are an important signal for the need for structural change and a real commitment to realizing a fairer, more transparent, and responsive government.

This research aims to analyze Indonesia's presidential system of government through mechanisms of popular control over the president. In a presidential system of government, the president holds full executive power, separate from the legislative and judicial branches. This power must be balanced with strong control mechanisms to prevent abuse of power. One important form of oversight that often receives insufficient attention is direct popular control over the president. The method employed in this research is a juridical-normative method with statutory and conceptual approaches, supported by primary and secondary legal sources, with legal materials collected through literature study. The findings of this research indicate that mechanisms of popular control over the president remain weak, both through legal and political instruments. The impeachment mechanism stipulated in Article 7A of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is extremely complex. Meanwhile, the oversight function of the House of Representatives (DPR) as the people's representative also does not operate optimally due to the dominance of oversized coalitions, which cause parliament to tend to favor the government. Strengthening popular control functions is not intended to weaken presidential power, but rather to ensure that executive power operates in an accountable and transparent manner while remaining subject to the principle of popular sovereignty, so that Indonesia's presidential system becomes more democratic and enjoys strong legitimacy in the eyes of the people.

This study examines the strategic role of the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) of the Republic of Indonesia in ensuring transparent, accountable, and aligned state financial management in line with national goals. As an independent state institution, the BPK has a constitutional mandate to audit state financial management and accountability objectively and free from intervention by any party. This study uses a legal method with a normative juridical approach, accompanied by descriptive analysis and systematic interpretation of data from literature studies. The results show that the BPK has broad authority in auditing state finances, both for the central government, regional governments, and other public institutions. However, its implementation still faces obstacles such as a lack of internal transparency, overlap with internal government oversight, and limited resources for comprehensive oversight. To address these issues, the BPK needs to strengthen its internal systems, increase auditor capacity, develop more systematic audit result reporting guidelines, and build cross-agency coordination to make its external oversight function more effective, transparent, and capable of supporting clean and integrated governance.

Government representatives are members of legislative institutions elected by the people to represent their interests and aspirations in the policy-making and decision-making processes of government. People's representatives have a moral and ethical responsibility in carrying out their duties as representatives of the public's interests. The early history of the formation of people's representatives dates back to the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence (PPKI), which also appointed the first president and vice president in Indonesia. People's representatives are a key pillar in the democratic system, serving as a channel for the people's aspirations. In carrying out their duties, they are required to uphold ethical values, integrity, and morality. However, various cases of ethical violations involving members of the House of Representatives (DPR) have triggered an increasingly critical public response, especially in the digital era that enables information transparency. This study aims to analyze how ethical violations by people's representatives affect public perception and how social media strengthens the public's critical power. This research method is qualitative-descriptive with a case study approach. The results show that public response to ethical violations has increased sharply through digital platforms, which has a direct impact on public trust and the legitimacy of legislative institutions. Social media has become a primary medium for expressing disappointment and moral pressure on people's representatives. In addition, social media has also changed the way organizations and individuals interact. The speed of information dissemination magnifies the social impact of every action by members of the House of Representatives. Ethics reform and a stricter oversight system are needed to maintain the integrity of representatives. This research concludes that the ethics of representatives are crucial for maintaining public trust. It is crucial for representatives to uphold a code of ethics to ensure integrity, which will lead to a positive public response and trust in the government.

The Law on State-Owned Enterprises (BUMN) by the Indonesian House of Representatives on February 4, 2025 has been ratified, and then signed by President Prabowo Subianto on February 24, 2025, destroying the concept of who the state administrators are as regulated in Law Number 28 of 1999 concerning the Implementation of a Clean State Free from Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism.Law No. 1 of 2025 concerning BUMN, places the directors, commissioners, and supervisors of the state-owned company not as state administrators. This means that the Corruption Eradication Commission or KPK can no longer handle law enforcement in BUMN if corruption occurs, except for the Police, Prosecutor's Office and BPK (supervision), as stated in Article 3X of Law No. 1 of 2025, which states that: "The Agency's organs and employees are not state administrators. It is emphasized again in Article 9G: Members of the Board of Directors, Board of Commissioners, and Supervisory Board of BUMN are not state administrators". Meanwhile, financial supervision is still carried out by the Audit Board as stated in Article 3K: Audit of the management and financial responsibility of the Agency is carried out by the Audit Board. Although in the KPK Law, it is stated in Article 11 paragraph (1) that: "In carrying out the duties as referred to in Article 6 letter e, the Corruption Eradication Commission has the authority to conduct investigations, inquiries, and prosecutions against Corruption Crimes that: a. involve law enforcement officers, State Administrators, and other people related to Corruption Crimes committed by law enforcement officers or State Administrators; and/or b. involve state losses of at least IDR 1,000,000,000.00 (one billion rupiah)".Therefore, the Law Order, the KPK must submit and obey to carry it out, because the Law (UU) functions as a basic or principal rule for organizing the state, regulating society, a tool to limit power, and as a means of social renewal. The Law also functions to regulate life in society, the nation, and the state and is expected to be able to resolve various problems that exist in society.In fact, the impact of corruption in BUMN is no joke. The destruction of economic growth, state and community income can be disrupted which results in direct state losses, but leads to the potential for increasing poverty and the loss of the government's safety net in the form of declining quality of public services and investor confidence in Indonesia, etc.

The issue of prostitution in Yogyakarta, especially in the Bong Suwung area, reflects the complexity that involves social, economic, and legal aspects. Despite regulations, prostitution practices continue to increase, presenting challenges in law enforcement and individual protection. The process of relocating Bong Suwung by PT KAI faced protests from residents who felt they were not treated fairly. In this context, the application of the concept of Collaborative Governance is important, with collaboration between the DPRD, local governments, and the community to achieve more humane and equitable solutions. The DPRD plays a role as a mediator, accommodating the aspirations of the community and ensuring transparency in the relocation process. This research shows that success in addressing prostitution and relocation issues is highly dependent on the collaborative capabilities of various actors, as well as the application of Collaborative Governance principles to create responsive public policies and reduce potential conflicts

The administration of government in a country is not only found in the center of government. The central government gives authority to regional governments to carry out their own government. Various dynamics in changes in regional government policy range from centralized to decentralize. In carrying out his duties, a people's representative must know what the constituents he represents want. There are many ways that people's representatives must do to find out what the people want. One way is to communicate between the two. Communicating with constituents is a mandatory thing that cannot be done by people's representatives. The people have the right to convey what they want to the people's representatives to fight for in a public policy. One form of communication between people's representatives and those represented is through DPRD recess activities. The research was carried out to analyze the effectiveness of the recess in the Badung Regency DPRD which was analyzed using a qualitative descriptive approach. The implementation of a recess for members of the Badung Regency DPRD is a mandatory matter which has been regulated in statutory regulations and regional regulations. It is not technically regulated; it only regulates the period and limits of the recess and the recess is held three times a year. The recess activities are carried out in various ways. However, in its implementation, several technical activities are regulated in the recess activities, namely the time of the activity, place, activity targets, discussion process, accommodating community aspirations and even written and verbal reporting of recess results. Observation results show that Badung DPRD members have engaged effectively with their constituents during the recess period, gathering important input and concerns that are crucial for formulating local government policies. This interaction underscores the importance of active participation and accountability in ensuring that the legislative process is aligned with the needs and aspirations of the community.

This study aims to analyze the syntactic structure and function in a news text containing the statement of the Speaker of the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR RI) regarding the case of a specialist medical education (PPDS) student at Padjadjaran University (UNPAD). The focus of this research is on identifying clauses, phrases, and sentence patterns, including syntactic errors found in the online news article. A descriptive qualitative method was used with a syntactic analysis approach. The results show that the news text contains a variety of simple and complex clause structures with syntactic functions that serve to deliver informative and persuasive messages. However, several syntactic errors were also found, such as ineffective sentence construction, phrase misplacement, and ambiguous meanings. These findings highlight the importance of syntactic accuracy in news writing to ensure clarity and precision of information. This research is expected to contribute to the field of syntax studies and help improve language quality in mass media writing.

Currently, the Draft Criminal Code has been passed into Law No. 1 Year 2023 on the Criminal Code during the plenary session of the House of Representatives, 6 December 2022. In the New Criminal Code, attempted criminal offence is also reformulated. This research aims to compare the regulation of attempted criminal offence between the Old and New Criminal Code. This research uses normative juridical method. This research found that the differences between the Old and New Criminal Code are:  First, the definition of attempted criminal offence. Second, the criteria on the ‘commencement of execution’ of attempted criminal offence. Third, criminal sanctions. Fourth, the condition that the attempt is not criminalised after the perpetrator has commenced the execution. Fifth, the regulation of ‘qualified attempt’. Sixth, the requirements for attempted criminal offences that are not punishable. While the similarities are: First, both regulate the maximum imprisonment of fifteen years for attempted criminal offences whose principal criminal offence is punishable by death or life imprisonment. Second, both regulate that the additional punishment for attempted criminal offences is the same as the additional punishment for the main criminal offence.

The House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia has adopted various digital communication strategies to maximize the use of social media. One of the strategies implemented is Cyber Public Relations Instagram @dpr_ri seeks to utilize every opportunity provided by social media platforms to deliver accurate, relevant, and interesting information to the public.The purpose of this study is to measure Cyber Public Relations of DPR RI on the @dpr_ri Instagram account, Fulfillment of information needs of followers of the @dpr_ri Instagram account, and How much influence does cyber public relations of DPR RI have on fulfilling the information needs of followers of the @dpr_ri Instagram account. The theories used in this research are Cyber Public Relations Theory, Philips & Young (2009) and Information Needs, Guha (1978). The approach in this study uses a quantitative approach. The method used in this research is a survey. Data collection by providing questionnaires to followers of the @dpr_ri Instagram account. Based on the calculation results of the research data, the tcount value of 5.095 is greater than the ttable value of 1.668. Then H0 is rejected and H1 is accepted. So the results show that there is an influence of cyber public relations of the DPR RI on Fulfilling the Information Needs of Followers of the @dpr_ri Instagram account.There is data from the coefficient of determination showing that the equation is 37.7% while the remaining 62.3% is influenced by other factors outside the study.There is a strong influence between cyber public relations of the DPR RI and Fulfilling the information needs of Followers of the @dpr_ri Instagram account.

This study aims to describe and analyze: the supervisory function of the APBD carried out by the Maybrat Regency DPRD and the supporting and inhibiting factors of the Supervisory Function. The data analysis technique uses a technique developed by McNabb (2002), namely Grouping the data according to key constructs, identifying bases for interpretation, developing generalizations from the data, Testing Alternative interpretations and Forming and/or refining generalizable theory from case study. The results of the study show that supervision is carried out by the Maybrat Regency DPRD on the Regional Government Budget, based on the duties and authorities that exist in the DPRD as stipulated in article 154 paragraph 1 (one) point (c) of Law Number 23 of 2014. The Media/Supervisory Tools of the Maybrat Regency DPRD on the APBD are: Commissions, Special Committees (Pansus) and Working Groups (Pokja). The time for the implementation of supervision carried out by the Council Members is carried out since the person concerned is inaugurated and can be carried out at any time. The method of supervision carried out by the legislature over the executive is through 2 (two) ways, namely: Indirect supervision and Direct supervision. The DPRD is in the stage of preventive supervision, lacking maximum performance Repressive supervision carried out by the DPRD is still not clearly visible in carrying out APBD supervision. Factors that support the DPRD's Supervision of the Maybrat Regency Budget include: Reform Atmosphere and Regional Conditions Along with the pace of the reform wheel. There are checks and balances between the DPRD and the Executive.  Education Level of Maybrat Regency DPRD Members, out of 20 council members, 12 council members have passed strata 1 and 2. Factors that hinder the DPRD's Supervision of the Maybrat Regency Budget include: Experience and Understanding of Supervision Duties. Unprofessional Attitude and Lack of Supporting Facilities

This study aims to describe and analyze the role of the Secretariat of the Regional House of Representatives and the factors that affect the role of the Secretariat of the Regional House of Representatives in the implementation of the duties and functions of the Regional House of Representatives of Situbondo Regency. The data analysis technique in the study uses a technique developed by McNabb (2002), namely Grouping the data according to key constructs, identifying bases for interpretation, developing generalizations from the data, Testing Alternative interpretations and Forming and/or refining generalizable theory from case study. The results of the study showed. The Role of the DPRD Secretariat in the Implementation of Secretariat Administration and Financial Administration. The role of the Situbondo Regency DPRD Secretariat in the formulation of Regional Regulations that can control political dynamics. The Secretariat of the Regency DPRD carries out its role in providing facilitation for the running of the session or meeting. The role of the DPRD Secretariat is to provide and coordinate the experts needed by the DPRD in carrying out its functions according to needs. The Secretariat of the Situbondo Regency DPRD facilitates all the needs and needs of DPRD Members in carrying out their functions: one of them is in the field of Legislation. Factors that affect the role of the Secretariat of the House of Representatives include leadership factors. The leader or head of the SKPD of the Secretariat of the Sutubondo Regency DPRD in leading and carrying out service activities, applying an instructional, consultative and participatory leadership style.  The discipline factor is a factor that affects the success or becomes a factor that hinders the role of the Situbondo Regency DPRD Secretariat. The discipline factor applied in the DPRD Secretariat is in the form of accuracy and responsibility in carrying out secretarial duties. The human resources owned by the Secretariat have been very supportive, both work experience and the number of employees. The available human resources will certainly affect the organization such as services and improving the performance of the Situbondo Regency DPRD Secretariat

Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) of Magetan Regency to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of visit data management. The system was developed using the Rapid Application Development (RAD) method, utilizing the Laravel framework and MySQL database. The implementation of this system is expected to replace the time-consuming and inefficient manual processes, such as guest book entry and data retrieval. The web-based system allows guests to digitally input their institutional origin, purpose, and objectives of their visit, which are then managed by the administrator for reporting and data analysis.The system development process began with needs analysis, design using UML diagrams, and implementation through web-based technology. System testing was conducted using the Black Box Testing method to ensure all system functions operate as specified. The research findings demonstrate that the system effectively reduces data processing time, increases accuracy, and facilitates the management of visit information. Thus, this information system not only provides practical solutions for DPRD Magetan but also serves as a model for similar developments in other institutions. This study offers significant theoretical and practical contributions to the advancement of information technology in the governmental sector

Dismissal of a Regional Head can occur due to two factors, the first is 'Objective' in investigating violations of the oath or promise of office carried out by the Regional Head. Second, 'Subjective' in using his authority, namely looking for loopholes to dismiss the Regional Head on sentimental grounds. The reasons for the dismissal of a Regional Head are regulated in Article 78 paragraph (1) and paragraph (2) of Law Number 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government (UUPD). Some of the problems that often occur in the dismissal of Regional Heads are, the Regional Head is elected directly but the mechanism for dismissal is indirectly (representatively) through the DPRD so that it is not in line with democracy, then regional autonomy is not implemented freely because there is still a role for the central government and there is also no Judicial institutions in regions specifically for the dismissal of Regional Heads. After we analyzed the many articles in the Constitution, the amendments relating to the main duties of the House of Representatives, also in UUMD3 1999 in conjunction with UUMD3 2014, were further emphasized by DPR Standing Orders No. 16/DPR/RI/1999-2000 jucto Regulation of the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 concerning Rules of Procedure, from the authority and duties of the DPRD above, it can be formulated that the DPRD has three functions, namely the supervisory function, the budget function, and the function of making Law or legislation. In carrying out its functions and duties, the DPRD has several rights that can be used to carry out its duties as government supervisor. Some of the rights in question are the Right to Questionnaire, the Right to Interplation, the Right to Express an Opinion. As for the right to inquiry itself, the definition is contained in Article 79 paragraph (3) of Law Number 17 of 2014 concerning the MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD.

This study aims to examine the influence of ROE and DPR on stock returns. The population in this study is all companies listed in ISSI. The sample in this study is companies listed on ISSI for the 2019-2023 period. The analysis techniques used are classical assumption tests, multiple linear regression, hypothesis tests and determination coefficient tests. The results of the first hypothesis test show that there is an effect of ROE on stock returns, while the results of the second hypothesis show that there is no influence of the House of Representatives on stock returns. And the third hypothesis shows that there is an effect of return on equity and dividend payout ratio on stock returns.  

The Srikandi application is an electronic-based management information system designed to support digital transformation in administration and archiving to enhance efficiency, transparency, and accountability in public services, particularly within the Secretariat General of the Indonesian House of Representatives (Setjen DPR RI). This study aims to analyze the implementation of the Srikandi application, evaluate its impact on work efficiency and service quality, and identify the main challenges in its adoption. This research employs a qualitative approach with a descriptive method. The findings indicate that the Srikandi application has successfully improved administrative efficiency through features such as electronic signatures and real-time document tracking, as well as supporting the restructuring of organizational work processes. However, several key challenges remain, including slow system performance, low user competence, resistance to new technology, limited accessibility for the public, and data security risks. The implications of this study highlight the importance of enhancing user competence through training, optimizing technological infrastructure, and strengthening data security policies. This study is expected to serve as a reference for other government institutions in adopting digital technologies to support more responsive and accountable public services.

This research aims to analyze the implementation and effectiveness of the women's quota in the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) of DKI Jakarta Province during the 2014-2024 period. The women's quota is an affirmative policy designed to increase women's representation in the legislature, regulated by Indonesia's electoral law. Although this policy has been implemented, there are still various challenges that hinder women's participation in politics, including cultural, social, and structural barriers. This research uses a qualitative approach with a case study method. Data was collected through in-depth interviews with Deputy Chairman of DPRD , Legislative Candidate, Academics , Sociologist and Law/ Political observers, as well as analysis of official documents and related reports. The results show that despite an increase in the number of women in the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD ) of DKI Jakarta Province , the women's quota has not fully achieved its goals. Some of the factors that affect the effectiveness of this quota include the lack of support from political parties, strong gender stereotypes, and obstacles in the recruitment and selection process of female candidates. This research also found that the existence of women's quotas alone is not enough to increase women's participation in politics. Further efforts are needed, including political education for women, capacity building for female legislator candidates, and reforms in the political party system to support greater involvement of women. In conclusion, the women's quota in the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) of DKI Jakarta Province still faces various challenges in its implementation, and additional strategies are needed to overcome these obstacles in order to achieve more equitable and inclusive representation.