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State-based conservation in Indonesia often faces institutional failure and social resistance, resulting in continued deforestation. Conversely, Indigenous conservation models in West Java, specifically the Leuweung Larangan (forbidden forest), demonstrate significant ecological resilience. However, the legal standing of these customary practices within Islamic jurisprudence remains under-theorized, creating a dichotomy between Adat (custom) and Sharia. This study proposes a juridical reconstruction of the Sundanese taboo mechanism (Pamali) as Jarimah Ta’zir (discretionary sanction) to strengthen environmental law enforcement. Utilizing a socio-legal approach and ecological hermeneutics, this research analyzes Yusuf al-Qardhawi’s concept of Fiqh al-Bi’ah and Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s sacred science, alongside relevant empirical data on Indigenous forest governance. The findings demonstrate that Leuweung Larangan structurally manifests as Hima Syar’i (sacred protected zone). Operationally, Pamali functions not merely as a cultural myth, but as a preventive legal instrument (Sadd al-Dzari’ah) where environmental violations constitute religious criminal acts. This creates a "Sundanese Eco-theology" model that establishes a double-layered compliance system—social sanctions and theological liability—proving more effective for carbon preservation than state regulations alone. The study recommends integrating this model into the Green Constitution framework to resolve tenurial conflicts and enhance climate resilience.

Every individual possesses both rights and obligations that must be understood and exercised in a balanced manner to maintain social order, justice, and collective well-being. A clear understanding of citizens’ responsibilities is essential for creating a prosperous and harmonious society. This study examines the rights and obligations of citizens as stipulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, with a primary focus on exploring how the Constitution guarantees, regulates, and implements these fundamental principles in national life. The research employs a qualitative method with a descriptive-analytical approach. Data were collected through desk research, analysis of constitutional provisions, examination of relevant legal documents, and review of related academic literature. The findings indicate that the 1945 Constitution provides strong protection for fundamental human rights, including the rights to education, health services, employment, legal protection, and freedom of expression. At the same time, the Constitution clearly outlines citizens’ obligations, such as obeying the law, paying taxes, respecting the rights of others, participating in national defense, and contributing to social harmony. The study emphasizes that rights and obligations are interconnected and must be carried out proportionally. Understanding and applying these constitutional principles is crucial for strengthening democratic governance, enhancing legal awareness, and fostering a just, orderly, and sovereign nation.

An employment relationship is a relationship between a worker and an employer or entrepreneur involving work, wages, and orders. One outcome of this employment relationship is termination of employment. To create a just and prosperous society based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution, the government has enacted laws concerning termination of employment, such as Law No. 13 of 2003 concerning Manpower, Law No. 11 of 2020 concerning Job Creation, and Government Regulation No. 35 of 2021 concerning Fixed-Term Employment Agreements, Outsourcing, Working and Rest Hours, and Termination of Employment. This research uses a normative legal method, namely examining the law as it exists or should exist, or the law in books. The research was conducted by analyzing applicable laws and regulations, using library materials or secondary data covering primary, secondary, and tertiary law. Termination of employment is the right of both parties, namely workers and employers. Both parties can terminate the employment relationship according to their respective situations or conditions. This issue often generates debate because each party has different perspectives and arguments regarding termination of employment. As a result, the amount of compensation workers receive in practice also varies. Comparing Law No. 13 of 2003, Law No. 11 of 2020, and Government Regulation No. 35 of 2021 concerning termination of employment, it is clear that the Employee Rights Act No. 13 of 2003 provides more compensation than the Job Creation Law. Therefore, in practice, many companies, including PT Kuoni Indonesia, seek ways to reduce their compensation obligations under the pretext of negotiating with employees.

This study explores how the drafting process of the Bill (RUU) for the Revision of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), which was approved to become Law Number 3 of 2025, occurred amidst massive public protests, with an emphasis on violations of the principles of openness, participation, and accountability as regulated in the 1945 Constitution and Law Number 12 of 2011 concerning the Formation of Legislative Regulations. The public's rejection illustrates the potential for abusive law making, threats to civilian dominance, and the possibility of a return to the dual function of the military from the New Order period, supported by protests, petitions from civil society organizations such as NU, WALHI, and KONTRAS, as well as an application for constitutional review to the Constitutional Court. Adopting the perspective of Habermas’s theory of deliberative democracy and Weber’s concept of legitimacy, this research asserts that the argument for the annulment of this Bill is growing stronger, in order to uphold democratic law making and the protection of human rights.

This research aims to normatively analyze the role and implementation of public participation in the legislative process, specifically concerning the formation of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) Law. Public participation is an essential principle in a democratic state, ensuring the legitimacy, transparency, and accountability of legal products. This normative review focuses on the legal framework governing community participation in law making, as mandated by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and related regulations. The analysis reveals a gap between the ideal normative principle of meaningful participation and the empirical practice in the legislation of the TNI Law. Legislative processes involving the defense and security sector are often overshadowed by issues of secrecy and limited information accessibility, thereby impeding substantial public participation. It is necessary to strengthen the regulatory framework and establish more open, inclusive, and continuous mechanisms to ensure that public aspirations and interests, including those of civil society groups and academics, are adequately considered at every stage of law formation, especially for strategic legislation like the TNI Law.

This research analyzes the legal status of zakat within the state financial system and explores its potential integration as a sharia-based fiscal instrument in Indonesia through a comparative study with Malaysia. In Islamic law, zakat functions both as a religious obligation and as a mechanism for wealth redistribution aimed at achieving social justice. However, under Indonesia’s positive law framework, zakat is still treated as a socio-religious institution outside the formal state fiscal system, as stipulated in Law Number 23 of 2011 on Zakat Management. In contrast, Malaysia has successfully integrated zakat into its Islamic fiscal policy through the authority of the State Islamic Religious Council (MAIN), which holds legal legitimacy as a regional public body. This study adopts a normative and comparative legal approach by examining statutory regulations, Islamic legal doctrines, and zakat institutional practices in both countries. The findings indicate that the integration of zakat into Indonesia’s fiscal system is constitutionally permissible and does not conflict with Article 23A and Article 34 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution, as it aligns with welfare state principles and the state’s responsibility toward poverty alleviation. The legal implications of such integration include the establishment of lex specialis regulating zakat as a sharia fiscal instrument, harmonization with state finance laws, and the strengthening of institutional legitimacy and accountability in zakat management. Therefore, zakat holds significant potential to become a core pillar of Islamic economic law that supports economic equity and enhances national fiscal resilience.

This study aims to answer the following questions: First, what are the concepts of the rule of law and democracy, and how are they related? Second, what is the concept of human rights and how does it relate to the rule of law and democracy in Indonesia? The method used in this study is normative legal research, focusing on the study of legislation and scientific literature on the rule of law, democracy, and human rights. The approaches used include a legislative approach to examine the provisions of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and related regulations; a conceptual approach to examine the theory of the rule of law, the theory of democracy, and the theory of human rights; and a historical approach to trace the development of these three concepts in the Indonesian context. The research data was obtained from primary and secondary legal materials. The results of the study show that the concepts of the rule of law and democracy are two interrelated and inseparable principles. Both in the traditions of the rechstaat and the rule of law, respect for human rights is placed as a key pillar, which is now understood more broadly to include issues of freedom, social justice, and protection from arbitrariness. The relationship between human rights, democracy, and the rule of law affirms that the law must be the highest authority, with the constitution as its highest foundation. The supremacy of law is an important element in the practice of democracy because the constitution functions as a social contract that regulates power and guarantees the protection of human rights.

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Indonesia constitutionally declares itself as a state based on the rule of law as mandated in Article 1 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution after the amendments. This principle requires that governance and law enforcement be conducted under constitutional supremacy, legal certainty, equality before the law, and an independent judiciary. However, various political interferences, regulatory inconsistencies, and discriminatory legal practices continue to undermine these ideals. This research examines: (1) the effectiveness of the hierarchy of legislation and judicial review mechanisms by the Constitutional Court (MK) and the Supreme Court (MA) in preventing regulatory conflicts and discriminatory law enforcement; and (2) the extent to which the rule of law principle post-amendment has been manifested in equal protection before the law and judicial independence. Using a normative legal research method with statute, conceptual, case, and historical approaches, this study finds that although constitutional reforms have strengthened checks and balances and judicial authority, the persistence of selective and politically influenced law enforcement indicates that equality before the law has not been consistently implemented. Strengthening institutional integrity, improving regulatory harmonization, and ensuring the judiciary’s independence remain crucial to realizing Indonesia’s constitutional aspirations as a democratic state governed by the rule of law.

Historically, water resource management in Indonesia has faced significant complexities, often dominated by commercialization and investment-oriented policies that threaten the fundamental rights of farmers. The Constitutional Court’s decision to annul the previous Water Resources Law marks a crucial turning point, demanding a comprehensive policy reformulation. This entails a shift from a market-based paradigm to one grounded in human rights and social welfare, reaffirming state sovereignty over water for the prosperity of the people. The urgency of this reformulation is compounded by the imminent threat of climate change, which introduces high uncertainty into the hydrological cycle—manifesting as extreme droughts and floods—thereby directly impacting the agricultural sector. This research aims to formulate a climate-adaptive water resource management policy that secures the priority rights of farmers. Employing a Normative Legal Research Method with Statutory and Conceptual Approaches, the findings present a new, holistic legal and institu-tional framework. This framework centers on two pillars: first, the firm assertion and absolute legal protection of irrigation water allocation for farmers, even during periods of scarcity; and second, the adoption of a Climate-Adaptive Governance Model. This governance model integrates a unified climate monitoring system, resilient water infrastructure, and the empowerment of Water User Associations (P3A) at the grassroots level to independently respond to shifting climate patterns. This reformulation is essential for achieving water management that is just, sustainable, and effective in maintaining national food security

This article examines the limitation of transparency within the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR) during the formulation of the Job Creation Act (Law No. 11 of 2020) and its implications for legislative performance and public participation. Transparency represents a fundamental requirement in a democratic legal system as it ensures accountability, public oversight, and the legitimacy of legal products. However, the legislative process of the Job Creation Act demonstrated significant procedural issues, including inconsistent draft versions, restricted access to essential documents, accelerated deliberation, and the marginalization of meaningful public participation. This study highlights how these limitations hinder the public’s constitutional rights, weaken legislative oversight, and create asymmetrical power relations that enable elite dominance in policymaking. The lack of transparency also led to procedural defects acknowledged by the Constitutional Court, reflecting a systemic decline in democratic legislative practices. Using a normative juridical method supported by legislative analysis and doctrinal studies, this paper argues that the absence of transparency not only reduces the quality of participation but also erodes the legitimacy and accountability of the DPR. The findings emphasize the urgent need for open access to legislative documents, inclusive public consultation, and strengthened accountability mechanisms to ensure democratic and lawful policy making.  

Constitutional Court (MK) “Decision Number 60/PUU-XXII/2024 marks an important shift in the practice of judicial review, whereby the Constitutional Court not only invalidates legal norms, but also establishes new substantive norms in cases involving open legal policy. This action reflects the tendency of positive legislature, which theoretically expands the scope of judicial authority beyond the limits of negative legislature. This study aims to analyse the implications of this ruling on the legislative function of Indonesia Parliament (DPR), particularly in the context of its constitutional responsibility to respond to and accommodate new norms established through court rulings. Using normative legal research methods and a conceptual approach, this study finds that the DPR's suboptimal institutional response to the substance of the ruling indicates serious challenges in harmonising the constitutional system that guarantees the effectiveness of norms, legal certainty, and the principle of checks and balances. This study contributes to proposing a model of inter-institutional coordination or parameters for the judicialisation of norms to ensure the balance of power, as well as criticising and clarifying the boundaries of the roles of each state institution in the context of corrective legislation based on judicial decisions.

This study examines the constitutional systems of Denmark and Sweden as two of the most stable and advanced models of modern constitutional monarchy in the world. While maintaining the institution of monarchy, both countries have successfully integrated the principles of parliamentary democracy, parliamentary supremacy, and strict limitations on executive power, so that the monarch plays a purely symbolic role in the state. Using a normative-comparative legal research method that focuses on the 1953 Danish Constitution and the 1974 Swedish Instrument of Government, this study traces the historical evolution, constitutional structure, mechanisms of government formation, legislative oversight, and the role of the judiciary in both countries. The results of the study show that Denmark has retained a number of historical formulations regarding the power of the king in the text of the constitution, but all of these powers are symbolic in nature because they are controlled by parliamentary convention. Sweden, through its 1974 reforms, opted for a more decisive model by explicitly removing all political roles of the monarchy. Despite differences in constitutional design, both countries share fundamental similarities in their egalitarian political culture, bureaucratic professionalism, political consensus, and parliamentary rule mechanisms that create governmental stability.Further analysis shows that the continuity of the monarchy in both countries is inseparable from peaceful historical transformation, the monarchy's ability to adapt to democratization, and its role as

Pancasila, as the foundational ideology of Indonesia, plays a fundamental role in shaping a democratic system and ensuring the protection of human rights based on justice. From Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s perspective, Pancasila is not merely a normative ideology but serves as a political and legal paradigm that integrates the values of divinity, humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice into the practice of governance. According to Yusril, Indonesian democracy cannot be equated with Western liberalism, which emphasizes individual freedom; rather, it is a constitutional democracy grounded in the moral and spiritual foundations of Pancasila. The values of Pancasila position human rights in a balanced relationship between rights and responsibilities, as well as between individual and collective interests of the nation. Thus, democracy and human rights, in Yusril’s view, are integralistic—citizens’ freedoms are directed toward realizing social j  ustice and order in national life. This article aims to examine Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s thoughts on the relationship between Pancasila, democracy, and human rights, and their relevance within the context of Indonesia’s contemporary constitutional system.

Advocates are law enforcers whose professionalism depends on a structured organization. Following Constitutional Court Decision No. 112/PUU-XI/2013, advocate organizations in Indonesia have experienced fragmentation (multi-bar). This situation has created disorganization, differing recruitment standards, education, and enforcement of codes of ethics, weakening national oversight of the profession. This study aims to analyze the legal standing and organizational form of the National Advocates Council (DAN) to address this disorganization, specifically in light of Law No. 18 of 2003 concerning Advocates. The method used is normative juridical with a statutory and conceptual approach. The study concludes that to maintain freedom of association and achieve professional unity, DAN should be established as a federation, not a single body (single bar). DAN's primary function is to establish uniform national professional standards, enforce codes of ethics, oversee legal aid, and strengthen the integrity of advocates as law enforcers. The establishment of DAN requires a revision of the Advocates Law to ensure strong legal standing.

Inclusive policies are a must in governance, especially at the village level that deals directly with indigenous communities. Formal recognition of customary law in the determination of village boundaries under the national legal framework is crucial to create agrarian justice and legal certainty; Its relevance focuses on the importance of local wisdom accommodation and the structure of indigenous peoples as legal subjects entitled to their territories; The final goal of this study is to formulate a model of harmonization of positive law and customary law for the determination of participatory and equitable village boundaries; The main legal basis includes the 1945 Constitution Article 18B Paragraph (2) and Law (UU) Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages; and Regulation of the Minister of Home Affairs Number 45 of 2016 concerning Guidelines for the Determination and Affirmation of Village Boundaries. This research uses a normative juridical method with a legislative and conceptual approach; The conflict resolution offered is through a consensus deliberation mechanism facilitated by the local government while still upholding the rights of indigenous peoples.  

In this thesis, the researcher intends to find out the Default in the case of Default in the Sale and Purchase of Land. In this case, the buyer feels disadvantaged by the Seller who has committed an act in the case of default. This study uses a Sale and Purchase Agreement between the Seller and the Buyer with the object of Residential Land. The seller in this case is in the position of Land Owner. (developer). And the buyer in this case is in the position of buyer in the sale and purchase of the land. This study uses a normative juridical method, namely research using a case approach accompanied by the Law. There are three forms of default, namely carrying out what has been agreed, but not as agreed and carrying out what has been agreed, but late in carrying out something that according to the agreement should not be carried out. So in the case of the case entering into one form of default, namely carrying out what has been agreed but not as agreed. The occurrence of a non-compliance with the agreement between the seller and the buyer, namely in the land sale and purchase agreement, in which the initial agreement stated the land area was 20,000M2. If the certificate is broken, the land area exceeds what was agreed upon, the buyer is obliged to pay Rp. 5,000,000 to the buyer.

The dominance of the political party elite (oligarchy) in Indonesia's representative democracy system has shifted the meaning and implementation of the constituent recall doctrine. Although Article 1 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution affirms that sovereignty resides with the people, in practice the recall mechanism is not a constituent right, but rather the exclusive authority of political parties. This study uses a normative legal method with a legislative, conceptual, and comparative approach. The research data was obtained from primary legal materials (the 1945 Constitution, Law Number 2 of 2008 concerning Political Parties, Law Number 2 of 2011 on Amendments to Law Number 2 of 2008 on Political Parties, Law Number 7 of 2017 on General Elections,  Law Number 17 of 2014 on the MPR, DPR, DPD, DPRD (MD3), as well as secondary legal materials in the form of books, scientific journals, and opinions of constitutional law experts. The results of the study show conceptual reduction, namely the transfer of the people's right to revoke the mandate of their representatives to the parties, and categorical reduction, namely the narrowing of the function of recall to an internal party disciplinary tool. The applicable regulations, particularly MD3 Law, give excessive privileges to political parties, thereby severing the substantive relationship between representatives and constituents. This study proposes a participatory and accountable constituent recall   model, with the right of initiative in the hands of the people through public petitions, verification by an independent institution, and a final decision through a real election.

The execution of mortgage rights on land is a crucial element in the property security legal system in Indonesia, which allows creditors to obtain debt repayment if the debtor defaults. However, the implementation of parate executie as a non-litigious mechanism based on Law Number 4 of 1996 concerning Mortgage Rights has sparked constitutional debates, particularly regarding the debtor's right to fair legal protection. This study analyzes the legal considerations of the Constitutional Court in Decision No. 10/PUU-XIX/2021, which rejected the constitutional review of the mortgage execution norms, and evaluates the legal execution procedures post-decision. Using the normative legal research method, this article examines the approach of contractual freedom, the principle of justice, and the protection of property rights in the context of creditor-debtor relationships. The study results show that the Court views parate executie as constitutionally valid, as long as it is carried out with the principles of transparency, proportionality, and the availability of legal recourse for the debtor. Therefore, legal protection within the mortgage system is not eliminated, but must be implemented through accountable and just practices. These findings provide an important normative basis for policymakers and economic actors in ensuring that the execution of guarantees runs effectively while still upholding the constitutional rights of the parties involved.

This paper analyzes the relevance of the Frankfurt School’s Critical Theory in shaping public policy in Indonesia’s trade sector, particularly in the context of implementing Law Number 7 of 2014 on Trade. Using key concepts of Critical Theory—such as alienation, reification, instrumental rationality, and emancipation—this study evaluates how the structure of modern political economy can generate social inequality, the marginalization of small business actors, and the dominance of market-driven logic in national trade practices. A thematic analysis approach based on a literature review is employed to examine relevant scholarly works, including theories from Adorno, Horkheimer, Habermas, and contemporary critical theorists. The findings indicate that trade policies tend to be technocratic, efficiency-oriented, and insufficiently reflective of economic democracy, social justice, and empowerment principles for grassroots economic actors as mandated by the constitution. Such conditions reproduce structural injustices, particularly for MSMEs, which are often marginalized within a competitive trade system dominated by large capital. Therefore, more inclusive, participatory policy designs that are sensitive to structural inequalities are urgently needed. This study concludes that Critical Theory serves as a robust conceptual framework for analyzing power relations within the trade sector while also offering a transformative direction for policy development. Strengthening deliberative public spheres, enhancing MSME protection, and transforming power relations are essential steps toward achieving trade policies that are fairer, more humanistic, and emancipatory.