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The president's prerogative is a form of power inherent in the president's position as head of state. One form of this prerogative is the granting of abolition, which is the abolition of legal proceedings against a person or group of people who are or will undergo judicial proceedings. However, in its implementation, the president's authority to grant abolition is not absolute, but is limited by the applicable legal provisions and constitutional mechanisms. This study aims to analyze the limits of the president's power in exercising the prerogative in the form of abolition and review the juridical aspects that govern the procedure and its considerations. The research method used is normative juridical research with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. Data sources are obtained from relevant laws and regulations, legal literature, and scientific works. The results of the study show that the president's authority in granting abolition is regulated in Article 14 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, which requires the president to pay attention to the considerations of the House of Representatives (DPR). Thus, this authority is not an absolute prerogative, but is limited by the principle of checks and balances in the Indonesian constitutional system. The conclusion of this study emphasizes that the restriction is a form of constitutional supervision over the use of presidential power to remain in line with the principles of the rule of law and constitutional democracy

Presidential Regulation Number 10 of 2021 on Investment Business Fields introduces a fundamental transformation in Indonesia’s investment regulatory regime by replacing the previous negative list approach with a positive list system. This regulatory shift significantly affects the structure of investment liberalization, particularly in the industrial sector, which serves as the backbone of the national economy. This study aims to analyze the regulatory changes introduced by Presidential Regulation 10/2021 and examine their juridical and practical implications for the investment climate and industrial business actors. Using a normative juridical method through the analysis of legislation, policy documents, and academic literature, this research finds that the regulation enhances investment openness, expands foreign ownership, simplifies risk-based licensing, and strengthens legal certainty through the classification of priority business fields, mandatory partnerships with cooperatives/MSMEs, and conditioned business categories. However, its implementation still faces challenges, including the harmonization of sectoral regulations, regulatory–political dynamics, and the government’s supervisory capacity. Overall, Presidential Regulation 10/2021 has the potential to strengthen the attractiveness of the industrial sector and its integration into global value chains, yet its effectiveness strongly depends on consistent implementation and cross-sector policy alignment.   Keywords: Presidential Regulation 10/2021, investment regulation, investment liberalization, industrial sector, investment policy.  

The revocation of business licenses by the President of the Republic of Indonesia against 28 companies proven to have violated forest utilization regulations signifies a shift in environmental law enforcement from a predominantly punitive criminal approach to preventive administrative measures. This article aims to analyze the legal basis of the President’s authority to revoke business licenses related to natural resource utilization, to position license revocation as an instrument of environmental law enforcement within Indonesia’s legal system, and to assess its implications for environmental protection and legal certainty for business actors. This study employs a normative juridical research method using statutory and conceptual approaches. The findings indicate that Presidential license revocation possesses juridical legitimacy within the framework of the rule of law and environmental and forestry legislation. Nevertheless, the implementation of such a policy requires clear administrative procedural standards to ensure legal certainty and to prevent potential abuse of power. This article concludes that license revocation can function as an effective environmental law enforcement instrument provided that it is accompanied by adequate oversight mechanisms and due process of law.

This study stems from a classic question in the study of political hadith regarding leadership, specifically the hadith "The Imams are from Quraysh," which is often understood textually as requiring leaders to be from the Quraysh tribe. This kind of understanding often stops at the normative and historical level, without considering the socio-political context of modern society, which is fundamentally different from the early Islamic era. As a result, a gap emerged between the moral message of the hadith and the reality of the leadership system in democratic countries like Indonesia. This research aims to reanalyse the meaning of hadiths about Quraysh and non-Quraysh leadership, and to trace their relevance to the concept of state leadership in the Indonesian constitutional system, placing Islamic political theory and modern leadership theory on an equal footing (theory = theory). This research employs a qualitative approach based on library research, with the primary sources being political hadiths and classical references such as al-Ahkam al-Sulthaniyyah by al-Mawardi, supplemented by contemporary literature on the modern Indonesian government system. The analysis was conducted using comparative methods and content analysis to explore the commonalities and differences between the concept of Imamah in Islam and leadership in modern democratic systems. The research findings indicate that the hadith about Quraysh leadership cannot be understood rigidly as a limitation of lineage, but rather as an ethical guideline emphasising the principles of justice, trust, responsibility, and public interest. The ethical values in the hadith align with the basic principles of the presidential system in Indonesia, such as public accountability, limitation of power, and popular sovereignty, as regulated in the 1945 Constitution. Despite challenges such as corruption, the politicisation of religion, and weak leadership morality, the values of the hadith remain relevant if translated into public norms and modern governance practices. This research confirms that leadership in Islam and Indonesian democracy can complement each other, with Islam providing a moral and spiritual foundation, while democracy offers the legal and political structure to realise it.

This research aims to normatively analyze the legal basis, rationality, and implications of the presidential threshold on the multi-party system and the principle of electoral justice in Indonesia, with a focus on Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013. Thru a normative legal approach, this research examines the provisions of Article 222 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections and the Constitutional Court's constitutional arguments in maintaining the presidential nomination threshold. The analysis results show that although formally the presidential threshold is an open and legitimate legal policy, it substantially creates political inequality and limits the participation of small parties in the multi-party system. The Constitutional Court's decision is considered not fully reflective of the principles of electoral justice and popular sovereignty, as it prioritizes government stability over political equality. Therefore, it is necessary to reformulate the presidential candidacy threshold policy to make it more proportional, inclusive, and aligned with the principles of constitutional democracy. This reform is expected to strengthen the legitimacy of Indonesia's presidential system without neglecting the fundamental values of justice and political representation of the people.  

The phenomenon of marriages between Indonesian citizens (WNI) and refugees represents a complex legal challenge due to the absence of specific regulations governing such relationships. This study examines the legal protection for Indonesian citizens who become victims of manipulative marriages by refugees, employing a normative juridical approach with statutory and conceptual methods. The research analyses primary legal materials, including the 1945 Constitution, Law Number 1 of 1974 concerning Marriage, Law Number 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights, and Presidential Regulation Number 125 of 2016 concerning the Handling of Refugees from Abroad. The findings reveal that Indonesian national law does not specifically regulate marriages between Indonesian citizens and refugees or asylum seekers, creating a significant legal vacuum (rechtsvacuum) that renders such relationships vulnerable to abuse, violence, and legal uncertainty. Furthermore, the state's responsibility in protecting Indonesian citizen victims of manipulative marriages by refugees has not been optimally implemented, despite constitutional and juridical foundations requiring protection from all forms of violence, discrimination, and exploitation. The study recommends the formulation of specific regulations addressing marriages between Indonesian citizens and refugees, strengthening the role of victim protection institutions, and establishing inter-agency coordination systems, including international organisations such as UNHCR and IOM, to prevent abuse and strengthen law enforcement mechanisms.

State speeches in international forums are a strategic arena for the practice of diplomacy and leadership image management. This study analyzes President Prabowo Subianto's rhetorical style in his speech at the 80th UN General Assembly on September 23, 2025. Using Aristotelian theory, namely ethos, pathos, and logos, to understand how rhetoric functions in strengthening political legitimacy, humanitarian solidarity, and international policy arguments. Using a qualitative-descriptive approach, this study examines transcripts of official speeches and identifies quotations that represent each persuasive mode. The analysis shows that Prabowo builds ethos through historical references, concrete actions of Indonesia such as the contribution of peacekeeping troops, and pathos is depicted through narratives of suffering, calls for solidarity, and an emphasis on the future of the younger generation; while logos is demonstrated through the presentation of data, policy plans such as the net-zero target, technical solutions such as sea walls, and systematic cause-and-effect arguments. This combination of ethos, pathos, and logos confirms that the speech was not simply a policy statement but also a rhetorical diplomatic tool that strengthened Indonesia's image as a constructive global actor. These findings contribute to the study of leadership communication and diplomatic rhetoric, particularly in the context of developing countries seeking to enhance the role of multilateralism and soft power.

The term “comparison” in the context of Public Administration Science refers to an activity of aligning, analyzing, and identifying similarities and differences between various phenomena or objects under study. Meanwhile, administration is understood as a social phenomenon in which groups of people or citizens work together in an organized and purposeful manner to achieve certain collective goals.This research, entitled “A Comparative Study of Public Administration in Indonesia and South Korea in Achieving Effective and Accountable Governance,” aims to analyze both the similarities and differences between the two countries in terms of bureaucratic structure, public administration systems, and the effectiveness and accountability of governance. Indonesia and South Korea, as Asian nations with distinct historical backgrounds, governmental systems, and development trajectories, share a common vision of establishing a clean, transparent, and responsive system of governance.The study employs a qualitative descriptive approach using the literature review method, by examining various relevant academic and official sources. The main focus of the comparison lies in the bureaucratic and administrative systems of Indonesia and South Korea. The analysis also takes into account cultural characteristics and governmental structures, including the presidential system, legal framework, financial administration, and local government mechanisms.The findings of this research are expected to provide a comprehensive understanding of how differences in administrative structures and bureaucratic performance in both countries influence the effectiveness and accountability of their governments. Furthermore, the study aims to offer valuable insights for Indonesia in strengthening good governance and improving the quality of public service delivery.

This research aims to analyze Indonesia's presidential system of government through mechanisms of popular control over the president. In a presidential system of government, the president holds full executive power, separate from the legislative and judicial branches. This power must be balanced with strong control mechanisms to prevent abuse of power. One important form of oversight that often receives insufficient attention is direct popular control over the president. The method employed in this research is a juridical-normative method with statutory and conceptual approaches, supported by primary and secondary legal sources, with legal materials collected through literature study. The findings of this research indicate that mechanisms of popular control over the president remain weak, both through legal and political instruments. The impeachment mechanism stipulated in Article 7A of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is extremely complex. Meanwhile, the oversight function of the House of Representatives (DPR) as the people's representative also does not operate optimally due to the dominance of oversized coalitions, which cause parliament to tend to favor the government. Strengthening popular control functions is not intended to weaken presidential power, but rather to ensure that executive power operates in an accountable and transparent manner while remaining subject to the principle of popular sovereignty, so that Indonesia's presidential system becomes more democratic and enjoys strong legitimacy in the eyes of the people.

The background for the establishment of Law Number 27 of 2022 concerning Personal Data Protection raises a critical question that the Indonesian government must address, who will oversee and safeguard the security of citizens' data in public administration systems. The purpose of this study is to examine the implementation of One Data Indonesia through Presidential Regulation Number 39 of 2019 (Perpres No. 39 of 2019) regarding One Data Indonesia, which remains a strong foundation for regulating government data governance. Unfortunately, this regulation does not yet include security aspects, which should be one of the principles of One Data Indonesia. This study explores Perpres No. 39 of 2019 as a critique of the regulation. The findings highlight the importance of incorporating security aspects to protect the sovereignty of government data used in public administration, especially in electronic processes conducted domestically. The principle of data security is a crucial component of the implementation of One Data Indonesia, which will be integrated with various other policy products, such as the Presidential Regulation on Electronic-Based Government Systems, the Presidential Regulation on Accelerating Digital Transformation and Integration of National Digital Services, the Law on Information and Electronic Transactions, the Law on Personal Data Protection, and other relevant regulations.

This research examines the design of simultaneous elections in Indonesia as its main research object, a crucial discourse spurred by the persistent inefficiencies of a separated election model that produced divided governments. The discourse is marked by the shifting jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court (MK). The primary problem addressed is the Court’s jurisprudential inconsistency, which creates significant legal uncertainty for election organizers and political actors. Therefore, the objective of this research is to critically analyze the evolution of the Court's rulings on this matter and their impact on its shifting role into a positive legislator. This study employs a normative-juridical method, focusing on the doctrinal analysis of primary legal materials, particularly the series of relevant Constitutional Court rulings. The analysis reveals an inconsistent jurisprudential journey, starting from an activist stance that imposed a five-ballot simultaneous model through Ruling 14/PUU-XI/2013, with the aim of strengthening the presidential system. Then, in response to the systemic chaos and humanitarian costs of the 2019 election, the Court retreated to an "open legal policy" doctrine in Ruling 55/PUU-XVII/2019, exhibiting judicial self-restraint by deferring the choice of an alternative model to the legislature. Finally, it abandoned this position in a final interventionist decision, Decicion 135/PUU-XXII/2024, which stipulated a specific model separating national and regional elections. The main finding confirms that this latest ruling positions the MK as a positive legislator, significantly overstepping its traditional judicial authority. It is concluded that although the final ruling substantively produces a more rational election design, its inconsistent formation process has fundamentally undermined the principles of legal certainty and the balance of powers, thereby creating a problematic precedent for the future of Indonesia's constitutional governance.

Government procurement, particularly in Indonesia, remains highly susceptible to corruption due to systemic regulatory loopholes and excessive human discretion, often characterized by collusion and bid-rigging. This institutional vulnerability defines the traditional "boundaries of corruption" as the discretionary corridors within existing administrative law. This research aims to fundamentally redesign these boundaries by shifting control from human discretion to technological enforcement. This study employs normative legal research focusing on the Presidential Regulation on Procurement, integrated with a technological design approach relevant to the journal. The core contribution is a reform model proposing the mandatory integration of AI-powered Smart Contracts and Distributed Ledger Technology (Blockchain) into the public procurement process. Key findings indicate that the primary corrupt boundary lies in ambiguous clauses concerning direct appointments and contract amendments. We propose that an AI-based system can monitor real-time pricing anomalies and bidder networks (network analysis), while Smart Contracts can automate and audit execution, thereby eliminating human factor vulnerability. This redesign transforms the boundaries of corruption from a matter of criminal enforcement to one of algorithmic inevitability, providing a robust, transparent, and self-auditing framework for digital governance.

Political reform in Indonesia has brought fundamental changes to the structure of state governance and the decision-making process within the executive branch. One of the instruments still frequently utilized by the President to formulate and direct national policy is the Presidential Instruction (Instruksi Presiden/Inpres). Although it is not classified as a formal regulation within the legal hierarchy, Inpres often has wide-reaching implications for the implementation of public policy. This study aims to critically analyze the legal status, function, and limitations of Inpres in the context of Indonesia’s post-reform government system. Using a normative-juridical approach and literature study of statutory regulations and policy documents, the research finds that the use of Inpres in several instances has extended beyond its administrative function and entered the domain of strategic policymaking, which ideally requires formal legislative processes. This raises concerns regarding accountability, transparency, and the limitation of executive power in a democratic rule-of-law state. The study recommends clearer regulation of the scope and function of Inpres to ensure alignment with political reform principles and good governance standards.

This study examines the constitutional position of the President and Vice President in Indonesia following the four amendments to the 1945 Constitution between 1999 and 2002, focusing on how these reforms reshaped executive authority and accountability. It addresses the problem of excessive presidential dominance and unclear vice-presidential functions under the New Order regime, with research objectives to analyze the institutional, authority, accountability, and relational dimensions of the amended constitutional framework. Employing a normative doctrinal method through statute and conceptual approaches, the study analyzes primary legal texts, scholarly articles, and tertiary materials using descriptive-analytical techniques. The main findings reveal that the introduction of direct joint elections, strict two-term limits, impeachment mechanisms, and the establishment of the Constitutional Court significantly strengthened checks and balances, clarified the Vice President’s supportive and succession roles, and redistributed legislative powers to the DPR. These reforms created a more balanced separation of powers and enhanced democratic legitimacy while also highlighting emerging challenges in institutional capture and democratic backsliding. In conclusion, Indonesia’s gradualist constitutional reform successfully transformed an authoritarian executive into a more accountable presidential system, though ongoing vigilance and potential further amendments are necessary to consolidate democratic gains.

Disinformation in digital elections has emerged as a serious challenge to democracy in Indonesia, particularly when its dissemination involves cross-border actors and platforms. This phenomenon not only diminishes the quality of political participation and public trust in election outcomes, but also poses a threat to the state's information sovereignty. This study aims to identify the dominant forms of disinformation during the 2019 Presidential Election and leading up to the 2024 election, while analyzing their impact on democratic stability and Indonesia’s position in the global context. The findings indicate that political disinformation is systematically spread through social media by networks of domestic buzzers and anonymous accounts suspected to be connected with transnational actors. The consequences include heightened societal polarization, the delegitimization of electoral institutions, and increasing non-military foreign interference in domestic politics. These findings underscore the urgent need for more adaptive national strategies and international cooperation in establishing fair, transparent, and sovereignty-respecting information governance frameworks in democratic states.    

Gender-based violence against women and children is a serious problem in Indonesia that reflects the inequality of social structures and the weakness of legal implementation. This study aims to examine the extent to which the Indonesian legal system is able to provide fair, equal, and gender-responsive protection to victims of violence, as well as assess the challenges in its application. The type of research used is a normative-critical study with a Feminist Legal Theory approach. The results of the analysis show that although there are regulatory advances such as the TPKS Law and the Presidential Instruction on Gender Mainstreaming, their application is still biased, not victim-friendly, and lacks a gender perspective. In conclusion, the law in Indonesia has not fully guaranteed substantive justice for victims. Therefore, it is recommended that legal reforms based on victims' experiences, increasing the capacity of law enforcement officials, and strengthening victim service institutions to encourage inclusive and transformative justice.

Opposition is an important element in a democratic system that functions as a mechanism of control over power. In the context of Indonesian constitutionality, the existence of the opposition is a prerequisite for the realization of a healthy and effective democracy. However, in practice, the term opposition is often equated with the principle of checks and balances, thus causing a blur of meaning between the two. This paper aims to examine the paradigm of the opposition in the Pancasila democratic system and analyze the relationship between the opposition and the principle of checks and balances in the Indonesian constitutional system. This research uses a qualitative method with a normative juridical approach, through a conceptual approach and a legislative approach. An analysis was carried out on the doctrines of constitutional law and provisions in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia related to the implementation of opposition and the principle of checks and balances. This approach was chosen to explore legal issues in depth and find a comprehensive understanding of the role of the opposition in the Indonesian constitutional system. The results of the study show that even though Indonesia does not adhere to a parliamentary or presidential system with two parties, the implementation of the opposition is still relevant and carried out with attention to the values of consensus in Pancasila democracy. The opposition in Indonesia is not confrontational, but constructive and oriented towards strengthening the system of supervision of power. Opposition and the principle of checks and balances are two concepts that are terminologically different, but interrelated and inseparable in Indonesian constitutional practice. Both serve as important instruments in maintaining the balance of power and ensuring accountability in the administration of government. Thus, a proper understanding of the opposition paradigm and the principle of checks and balances is the key to strengthening constitutional democracy in Indonesia.

The formation of the Saber Pungli Task Force was carried out as a firm and real step by the government to restore public trust, so that through Presidential Regulation Number 87 of 2016 concerning the Clean Sweep Task Force for Illegal Levies, all city areas in Indonesia formed the task force to eradicate and enforce the law. This type of research is empirical. After the data is obtained, the researcher will group the data based on the data source and analyze it to get answers to the formulation of the problem in this study. The results of the study show that the Clean Sweep Task Force for Illegal Levies (Satgas Saber Pungli) was formed with the aim of eradicating the practice of illegal levies that occur in various public service sectors in Indonesia, and the Clean Sweep Task Force for Illegal Levies at Tenau Port involves various activities aimed at overcoming and preventing the practice of illegal levies in various public service sectors to create a public service system that is free from extortion and increase public trust in public services. In its implementation, various inhibiting factors are still encountered, namely the weak performance of the task force in the field, aspects of facilities and infrastructure such as the low reporting channels that are friendly and easily accessible to the public, and the budget which is still a real challenge in implementing the Saber Pungli Task Force function, especially in areas such as East Nusa Tenggara Province (NTT) which has geographical characteristics as an archipelago.

This research examines the constitutional aspects of executive power limitations in presidential systems by comparing governmental practices in Indonesia and the United States. Through juridical-normative and comparative approaches, this research analyzes constitutional design, jurisprudence, and institutional practices that limit presidential power in both countries. Key findings indicate significant differences in checks and balances mechanisms, with the United States relying on a stricter doctrine of separation of powers compared to Indonesia, which implements power distribution. This research also identifies weaknesses in executive power limitations in Indonesia, particularly concerning legislative authority and the appointment of high-ranking state officials. The results of this research are expected to contribute to strengthening constitutional mechanisms in limiting executive power to prevent abuse of authority.

This study uses a qualitative methodology and secondary source data to investigate election cheating and its impact on Nigeria's democratic consolidation. It will be examined using historical and content analysis. examination. Nigerian democracy's progress has been severely hampered by election tampering. According to the report, e-election holds enormous promise and might be the solution to voter fraud in Nigeria's electoral system provided it is properly deployed and funded. It starts by looking at the constitutional, legal, and theoretical underpinnings of electronic voting. Second, it examines the real-world obstacles to the adoption and deployment of an electronic voting system in Nigeria by learning from other countries. Nigeria's elections have fallen short of expectations thus far because of a variety of electoral manipulations that have prevented the nation from holding legitimate, free, and fair elections within her political system. In addition to undermining Nigeria's democratic consolidation, election cheating has breached the fundamental human right (right to lives) of a large number of Nigerians. This essay offers some crucial suggestions that could solve the issues of election tampering and explain how those actions can support the need for a democratic atmosphere,