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This study aims to analyze the strategic role of the Information and Documentation Management Officer (PPID) of the General Elections Commission (KPU) of Palangka Raya City in supporting the strengthening of democracy and public participation at the local level. This research uses a qualitative approach with a descriptive-analytical design through documentary studies on regulations, internal policies of KPU, PPID service reports, and public information request data, enriched with observations of the information service mechanisms both offline and online. The results show that, normatively and structurally, the PPID of Palangka Raya City KPU has carried out its functions in accordance with the provisions of Law No. 14 of 2008 and KPU Regulation No. 22 of 2023. The information service procedures, response time limits, and the use of the E-PPID system reflect the institutional commitment to the principle of transparency. However, the level of utilization of public information services is still relatively low and dominated by the academic community, particularly students. Additionally, there have been no recorded requests for information from disabled groups, despite the provision of disability-friendly facilities. These findings indicate a gap between administrative information openness and substantive public participation. This study concludes that strengthening the role of PPID in the future should be directed toward public communication strategies, political education, and inclusive approaches so that information openness does not stop at regulatory compliance but can make a tangible contribution to the consolidation of a participatory and just local democracy.

Political participation is an important aspect in a democratic state structure, as well as a characteristic feature of political modernization. Political participation influences the legitimacy of society regarding the running of a government. One way of implementing political participation is through General Elections (Pemilu). The aim of this research is to determine the influence of presidential candidate debate broadcasts on multi-platform broadcast media on the political participation of FISIP UMJ student class of 2020. This research has an independent variable, namely presidential candidate debate broadcasts with the dimensions of frequency, attention and duration, and has a dependent variable, namely providing voting rights in elections, lobbying with officials, becoming a member of a political party. This research method uses a survey method by distributing questionnaires online to respondents via Google Form which aims to collect data from a sample of 2020 FISIP UMJ students who actively watch presidential candidate debates and know about political participation, with a total of 66 respondents selected. The data collection tool uses a questionnaire using a Likert Scale. The results of this research show that the presidential debate broadcast has an influence on political participation, which has a value of 0.736 or 73.6%, which means that the presidential debate broadcast influences political participation by 73.6% and the rest is influenced by other factors.

This research examines money politics as a root problem in Indonesia’s democratic system, focusing on the 2019 and 2024 general elections. Money politics refers to the practice of distributing cash or goods by candidates, campaign teams, or volunteers to influence voters’ political choices. This study employs a qualitative method with a literature study approach to analyze several cases that occurred across different regions in Indonesia. The findings reveal that money politics was widespread during both elections, with the main modus operandi involving the distribution of cash, basic goods, and facilities. This practice not only violates the principles of free and fair elections but also undermines citizens’ dignity, weakens popular sovereignty, and serves as a major driver of political corruption. Contributing factors include power ambition, vulnerable economic conditions, low political education, weak oversight, and entrenched transactional political culture. To address this issue, the research highlights the importance of political party reform and strengthening democratic education, particularly through civic education programs. These efforts aim to increase political awareness among citizens and improve the overall quality of Indonesia’s democracy.

The development of information technology has produced a significant transformation in election administration mechanisms, including within the City of Palangka Raya. The digitalization of various services and information systems requires the General Elections Commission (KPU) to enhance transparency while simultaneously ensuring the security of voter data and election results. This study aims to examine the key challenges faced by the Palangka Raya KPU in balancing the need for information openness with data protection in the digital era. The research employs a qualitative descriptive method through literature review, direct observation, and structured interviews with KPU staff, election supervisors, and relevant stakeholders. The findings indicate that digitalization improves the effectiveness of public information dissemination, including through the use of Sidalih and Sirekap, yet it also introduces vulnerabilities such as potential voter data breaches, cyberattacks, and the spread of disinformation through social media. Moreover, limitations in human resources with technological expertise serve as constraints in optimizing digital security. Conversely, the implementation of data security standards and improvements in voter digital literacy contribute to strengthening public trust in the election process. Thus, the Palangka Raya KPU needs to reinforce cybersecurity infrastructure, enhance internal technical capacity, and broaden public education programs to safeguard electoral integrity amid increasing transparency demands and digital risks. Collaboration among government, academia, and the community is a strategic element in maintaining the quality of democracy in the digital era.

Social assistance programs are often a major concern during local elections. However, their impact on voter support for incumbents remains underexplored. This study analyzes how perceptions of social assistance influence voting behavior for incumbents in the 2024 Palangka Raya mayoral election. Using a sequential explanatory mixed methods design, the quantitative stage was conducted through a survey of 370 social assistance recipients and analyzed using PLS-SEM. The qualitative stage used 13 official documents and verified news reports to examine how social assistance was framed in the public sphere. The results show that perceptions of social assistance are the strongest predictor of the tendency to vote for incumbents, whereas political competition, demographic factors, and moderating effects are not significant. Qualitative analysis shows that social assistance issues are the most frequently mentioned theme in news reports and official documents, thereby reinforcing their relevance as a basis for evaluation by the beneficiaries. This study shows that voters tend to respond to the benefits of policies they perceive in determining their electoral choices, even within a public sphere that frequently raises issues of program politicization.

This study aims to answer two questions. First, why were there only single candidates in 37 regions in the 2024 simultaneous regional elections? Second, what are the risks of single candidates to democracy and the performance of political parties? The methods used are normative juridical methods with a legislative and conceptual approach. The research focuses on the phenomenon of single candidates in regional elections and its impact on democracy and the performance of political parties in Indonesia. The results of this study show that the phenomenon of single candidates in regional elections indicates weak local democracy and poor performance of political parties in carrying out their functions of regeneration and leadership recruitment. Elite domination, high political costs, and the strong influence of oligarchs make the nomination process non-competitive and reduce the space for alternative candidates. As a result, regional elections are only procedural without substance, widening the democratic deficit and opening space for local bossism and unhealthy power consolidation. If this condition continues, local democracy will move further away from the principles of openness, accountability, and fair competition.

The dominance of the political party elite (oligarchy) in Indonesia's representative democracy system has shifted the meaning and implementation of the constituent recall doctrine. Although Article 1 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution affirms that sovereignty resides with the people, in practice the recall mechanism is not a constituent right, but rather the exclusive authority of political parties. This study uses a normative legal method with a legislative, conceptual, and comparative approach. The research data was obtained from primary legal materials (the 1945 Constitution, Law Number 2 of 2008 concerning Political Parties, Law Number 2 of 2011 on Amendments to Law Number 2 of 2008 on Political Parties, Law Number 7 of 2017 on General Elections,  Law Number 17 of 2014 on the MPR, DPR, DPD, DPRD (MD3), as well as secondary legal materials in the form of books, scientific journals, and opinions of constitutional law experts. The results of the study show conceptual reduction, namely the transfer of the people's right to revoke the mandate of their representatives to the parties, and categorical reduction, namely the narrowing of the function of recall to an internal party disciplinary tool. The applicable regulations, particularly MD3 Law, give excessive privileges to political parties, thereby severing the substantive relationship between representatives and constituents. This study proposes a participatory and accountable constituent recall   model, with the right of initiative in the hands of the people through public petitions, verification by an independent institution, and a final decision through a real election.

The 2024 regional elections in Jambi City sparked internal conflict within the Golkar Party when the recommendations of the Regional Representative Council II did not align with the Central Executive Board's decision regarding the mayoral candidate. The tension was successfully resolved through the implementation of procedural leadership based on the party's statutes and regulations, as well as a tiered nomination mechanism. This study aims to understand the role of procedural leadership in restoring solidarity and maintaining organizational stability after a nomination conflict. Using a qualitative approach with case studies, the study collected data through in-depth interviews and documentation with informants selected through purposive and snowball sampling. Data analysis was conducted using the Miles & Huberman model through data reduction, presentation, and conclusion drawing. The results show that procedural mechanisms, the use of surveys, and the exemplary behavior of charismatic figures particularly the chair of the DPD IIplay an important role in alleviating cadre disappointment. This study confirms that procedural leadership is a key instrument in maintaining the solidarity of the Golkar Party and recommends strengthening internal communication and balancing surveys with regional aspirations.

This study examines the legal issues of single candidates in the 2024 Samarinda City Regional Elections, focusing on the reasons political parties support single candidates and their impact on the quality of democracy and public participation. The phenomenon of single candidates is viewed as a democratic anomaly because it weakens the essence of political competition. The study uses a non-doctrinal method with primary materials in the form of interviews and legislation, as well as secondary materials from articles and scientific literature. The research results indicate three main factors driving political parties' support for a sole candidate: (1) the high electability of the incumbent, which creates psychological effects and political pragmatism; (2) the nomination threshold provisions that limit the number of potential candidates; and (3) the alignment of party vision and mission with the candidate, making political coalitions easier to form. The implications of this phenomenon affect two aspects. First, the substance of democracy is reduced because the people's choices become limited. Second, public participation may decrease due to the lack of competition, which results in low voter enthusiasm. This study emphasizes the need for more inclusive regulations to ensure healthy local election competition and to support the strengthening of legal and political systems to ensure that the nomination process reflects fairness and the people's aspirations broadly.

This study aims to analyze the phenomenon of authoritarian backsliding or democratic regression in Southeast Asia, focusing on Indonesia and Thailand. Conceptually, backsliding refers to the gradual weakening of democracy through formal and legal mechanisms by political actors within the system itself. The research employs a literature study method, analyzing academic sources and international reports relevant to the topic. The findings indicate that both Indonesia and Thailand have experienced democratic decline characterized by the consolidation of executive power, the weakening of oversight institutions, and restrictions on civil liberties. In Indonesia, democratic regression occurs primarily through executive aggrandizement and strategic manipulation of elections, while in Thailand, it manifests through promissory coups under military dominance. The study concludes that democratic decline in Southeast Asia often occurs not through overt authoritarian takeovers but through a subtle erosion of democratic institutions that undermines popular sovereignty.

The 2024 simultaneous regional elections reaffirm the persistent underrepresentation of women in local politics, despite a gradual rise in female political participation. Amid the dominance of patriarchal political structures, the victory of Dilla Hich as Regent of Tanjung Jabung Timur emerges as a significant phenomenon that reflects a shift in local electoral dynamics while opening broader opportunities for women’s political representation. This study aims to analyze the political strategies employed by Dilla Hich and examine how her identity and social positioning as a woman contributed to her electoral success. Using a qualitative approach with a case study method, data were collected through in-depth interviews, field observations, and documentation from official sources. The findings indicate that Dilla Hich’s success was not solely rooted in her social capital and extensive political networks but also in the adaptive combination of offensive and defensive political strategies she implemented. Offensive strategies were reflected in the expansion of new voter bases and the strengthening of her personal image, while defensive strategies focused on maintaining loyal supporters and consolidating internal networks. Additionally, the strategic use of gender identity enhanced public acceptance of her leadership. This study concludes that Dilla Hich’s victory demonstrates how structured, inclusive, and adaptive political strategies can challenge patriarchal dominance and create greater opportunities for women in local electoral politics.

This research examines the paradox of Christian leader integrity in facing political polarization and group identity in Toraja society. The background of the problem is a contradictive phenomenon where Christian communities strongly emphasize ethical character of leaders, yet strong group identification can blind them to ethical inconsistencies of supported leaders, especially in the dynamics of regional and presidential elections that divide churches. This research aims to analyze the paradox of Christian leader integrity, identify psychological, theological, and sociological factors causing ethical blindness, and formulate leadership principles that can maintain integrity amid political pressure. Using qualitative descriptive methods based on literature study, this research collects data from leadership theology literature, group identity psychology, and empirical studies on political practices in Toraja Christian communities. Research findings show that the integrity paradox manifests in local political dynamics where ethical standards become loose when leaders come from the same identity group. Factors causing ethical blindness include in-group bias and cognitive dissonance (psychological), sacred-secular dualism and permissive interpretation (theological), as well as clan structure and conformity pressure (sociological). The formulated leadership principles include commitment to biblical standards, theology-based political education, transformative prophetic role, accountability systems, contextual leadership, and building mature faith communities. The implication is that this research provides theoretical contributions to the development of contextual leadership theology and practical recommendations for church leaders in navigating the complexity of identity politics. Research recommendations include developing theology-based political education programs in churches, building leadership accountability systems, and further empirical research to validate the conceptual framework that has been built.

This research discusses the Constitutional Court Decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 regarding the minimum age requirement for presidential and vice-presidential candidates as stipulated in Article 169 letter q of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. In that decision, the Constitutional Court ruled that the age limit of 40 years remains in effect, but with an exception for candidates who are not yet 40 years old but have previously or are currently serving as regional heads. This research employs a normative juridical method with legislative and conceptual approaches, analyzing primary legal materials such as the 1945 Constitution, Election Law, and Constitutional Court decisions, supported by secondary legal materials from academic literature and journals. The research findings indicate that the Constitutional Court's considerations are based on the principles of citizens' constitutional rights, open legal policy, and the idea of leadership experience as an alternative age requirement. This decision has positive implications, including opportunities for leadership regeneration and increased political participation by young people, but it also draws criticism for its potential to discriminate against non-regional leaders and create political suspicion. Therefore, a revision of the Election Law is needed to clarify the legal norms resulting from the Constitutional Court's decision so that it does not lead to multiple interpretations and maintains the principle of equality. This research concludes that the Constitutional Court's decision is an opportunity to strengthen democracy, but also a challenge in ensuring constitutional justice in Indonesia.

This study examines the integrity of general elections through the lens of prophetic journalism. A qualitative approach was employed to explore the perspectives and experiences of institutional administrators, community leaders, and local residents regarding electoral integrity grounded in prophetic journalism. This approach emphasizes the importance of relationships among various actors in the public policy process, including government institutions, non-governmental organizations, and the private sector. The research was conducted at the East Java Provincial General Election Commission (KPU), with data collected directly by the researcher through observation of words and actions. Data collection was carried out holistically and integratively, focusing on relevance to the study objectives. Data analysis involved systematically searching, organizing, and processing all interview transcripts while ensuring validity through careful verification procedures. The results indicate that electoral integrity can be maintained effectively through a combination of deliberative democracy and prophetic journalism. In this context, the media functions not only as an information distributor but also as a moral agent ensuring transparency, accountability, and fairness throughout the electoral process. Campaigns to validate and counter hoax news during elections are most effective when prophetic journalism is integrated with agenda-setting theory, allowing the media to shape public perception through information filtering, digital literacy education, and the delivery of objective and ethical reporting. Prophetic journalism also serves as a social control mechanism, reinforcing transparency and oversight by combining the press’s watchdog function with principles of honesty, responsibility, and wisdom, preventing electoral manipulation and safeguarding democratic integrity.

This study aims to analyze the role of the Election Supervisory Board (BAWASLU) in the implementation of the 2024 Regional Head Election (Pilkada) in Serang Regency, with a particular focus on the mechanisms for resolving electoral disputes during the election process. It also seeks to identify the types of electoral disputes and evaluate the effectiveness of BAWASLU in carrying out its supervisory and quasi-judicial functions at the local level. This research adopts a descriptive qualitative approach using a case study method. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with key stakeholders, direct field observations, and documentation analysis of official reports and BAWASLU decisions. The data were analyzed using the Miles and Huberman interactive model, involving data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing. Data validity was ensured through triangulation and member checks. The findings reveal that BAWASLU Serang Regency plays a strategic role in safeguarding the integrity of the regional elections, yet it still faces challenges such as limited human resources, weak adjudication authority, and local political pressure. The disputes that occurred, including the case of the Repeat Voting (PSU), underscore the need for institutional reform. In conclusion, BAWASLU's role is crucial in electoral supervision and dispute resolution, but it requires strengthening in terms of regulations, institutional capacity, and public participation to ensure fair, democratic, and credible elections.

This research examines the design of simultaneous elections in Indonesia as its main research object, a crucial discourse spurred by the persistent inefficiencies of a separated election model that produced divided governments. The discourse is marked by the shifting jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court (MK). The primary problem addressed is the Court’s jurisprudential inconsistency, which creates significant legal uncertainty for election organizers and political actors. Therefore, the objective of this research is to critically analyze the evolution of the Court's rulings on this matter and their impact on its shifting role into a positive legislator. This study employs a normative-juridical method, focusing on the doctrinal analysis of primary legal materials, particularly the series of relevant Constitutional Court rulings. The analysis reveals an inconsistent jurisprudential journey, starting from an activist stance that imposed a five-ballot simultaneous model through Ruling 14/PUU-XI/2013, with the aim of strengthening the presidential system. Then, in response to the systemic chaos and humanitarian costs of the 2019 election, the Court retreated to an "open legal policy" doctrine in Ruling 55/PUU-XVII/2019, exhibiting judicial self-restraint by deferring the choice of an alternative model to the legislature. Finally, it abandoned this position in a final interventionist decision, Decicion 135/PUU-XXII/2024, which stipulated a specific model separating national and regional elections. The main finding confirms that this latest ruling positions the MK as a positive legislator, significantly overstepping its traditional judicial authority. It is concluded that although the final ruling substantively produces a more rational election design, its inconsistent formation process has fundamentally undermined the principles of legal certainty and the balance of powers, thereby creating a problematic precedent for the future of Indonesia's constitutional governance.

One approach the government employs to decorate public welfare, mainly among low-income families, is through social help initiatives. however, the subjectivity inside the choice process regularly ends in mistargeting all through implementation. This observe objectives to apply the ok-Nearest Neighbor (ok-NN) and Naive Bayes algorithms inside a decision support device to perceive eligible recipients based on community statistics. The ok-NN algorithm determines similarity by calculating the Euclidean distance among new and current facts, whilst the Naive Bayes set of rules utilizes a probabilistic method based at the likelihood of attribute incidence inside each elegance. Key criteria considered consist of household income, employment kind, number of dependents, housing conditions, and asset possession. Experimental consequences reveal that each algorithms are powerful in as it should be classifying eligibility for help, with k-NN barely outperforming Naive Bayes. therefore, the combination of these algorithms can support stakeholders in making extra goal and efficient selections regarding the distribution of social useful resource.

This study examines organizational communication within the General Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu) of Pasuruan Regency in handling violations during the 2024 Regional Elections (Pilkada). Using a qualitative case study approach, data were obtained through in-depth interviews, observation, and documentation involving Bawaslu members, technical staff, and the Integrated Law Enforcement Center (Gakkumdu). The results show that vertical and horizontal communication flows are generally effective in supporting internal coordination and violation handling, despite challenges such as limited human resources, high workloads, and inter-agency coordination gaps. To address these, Bawaslu strengthens internal meetings, leverages digital media, provides technical training, and enhances external collaboration and public outreach. The study concludes that effective organizational communication significantly improves election monitoring performance and offers insights for communication strategies in other supervisory bodies.To address these issues, Bawaslu has taken several proactive steps. These include strengthening internal meetings to improve coordination and decision-making, leveraging digital media for more efficient communication and reporting, providing technical training to staff to enhance their skills in violation detection and reporting, and fostering stronger collaboration with external agencies such as Gakkumdu for coordinated law enforcement. Additionally, Bawaslu has focused on improving public outreach through social media campaigns to increase awareness of the electoral process and violations. The study concludes that effective organizational communication significantly improves election monitoring performance and offers insights for communication strategies in other supervisory bodies. It recommends that other institutions facing similar challenges in managing complex, multi-agency processes adopt similar strategies to improve both internal and external communication for more efficient operations and outcomes.  

The manual, paper-based election of the Student Council President faces various challenges, such as the lengthy vote counting process and the potential for errors in the recapitulation. To address these issues, this study designed a web-based e-voting information system at SMK Negeri 4 Tangerang Regency. This system was built using the Rapid Application Development (RAD) method, which emphasizes speed of development through iteration and prototyping based on user feedback. The development results indicate that e-voting can accelerate voting and vote counting, provide real-time results, and reduce paper usage. This system has been tested using blackbox testing, proving that all functions work as expected and are easily accessible to students. The study concludes that the implementation of web-based e-voting can improve efficiency, security, and transparency in the election of the Student Council President, with suggestions for system usage simulations and regular usability evaluations. Furthermore, this study also shows that the implementation of a web-based e-voting system can reduce the potential for fraud that often occurs in manual elections. With an automated and integrated system, every vote cast by voters is recorded accurately, reducing human error in the vote counting process. System security is also maintained through authentication mechanisms that ensure only authorized users can vote, as well as data encryption to protect sensitive information. This increases voter confidence in the election results, as the process is more transparent and free from manipulation. Furthermore, although the e-voting system has proven effective in increasing election efficiency and accuracy, the study also recommends the need for training for system users, both students and election committee members, to ensure they can utilize the system optimally. Continuous evaluation of the system's usability is also crucial to ensure that the interface remains user-friendly and easily accessible to all parties.

The democratic system implemented in Indonesia is realized through general elections, which are held every five years as a manifestation of people’s sovereignty. Elections provide an arena for political contestation where political parties compete to gain votes and legislative seats, including the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa/PKB). In the 2019 general election, PKB in Tanjungpinang City obtained 5,188 votes or 4.67%, securing two parliamentary seats. By contrast, in the 2024 general election, its vote share increased significantly to 9,765 votes or 7.94%, allowing the party to gain three seats. This increase indicates that the political strategies applied by PKB in Tanjungpinang had a substantial impact and are worth analyzing, as they succeeded in attracting voter support and expanding parliamentary representation. The purpose of this study is to identify and analyze the strategies used by the National Awakening Party in the 2024–2029 Tanjungpinang City Legislative Election. This research also explores strategic approaches not only at the party level but also by individual legislative candidates, who applied their own methods to secure voter trust. The study adopts Peter Schroder’s (2010) theoretical framework on political strategy, which includes situation analysis, strategy control, strategy formulation, strategy implementation, and strategy evaluation. This framework is employed to examine how PKB designed, executed, and assessed its strategic efforts during the electoral process. The findings demonstrate that PKB’s success was not merely due to party-level strategies but also the result of synergy between collective organizational moves and personalized campaign tactics by candidates. These strategies involved effective grassroots engagement, optimized use of political networks, and adaptation to the socio-political context of Tanjungpinang. The implications of this research suggest that comprehensive and adaptive political strategies are essential for increasing electoral gains, and that combining party-driven initiatives with candidate-level innovations can enhance both vote acquisition and seat attainment in legislative elections.