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This research used a qualitative approach with a descriptive analytical research type through a literature study method. The research data were obtained from various written sources such as scientific journals, books, research articles, and other documents relevant to the research topic. Data collection techniques were carried out through documentation by reading, recording, and classifying data according to the focus of the research. Data analysis was conducted descriptively and qualitatively through the stages of data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. The results of the study indicate that Civic Education has an important role in instilling tolerance values in students through materials related to diversity, democracy, human rights, and Pancasila values. Civic Education learning helps students understand the importance of respecting differences in ethnicity, religion, culture, and opinions in everyday life. In addition, teachers also play an important role in fostering tolerance through group discussions, teamwork, and presentation activities that train students to respect and cooperate with one another. However, there are still obstacles in implementing tolerant attitudes, such as environmental influences and the lack of awareness among some students. Therefore, cooperation between teachers, schools, and parents is needed to continuously foster students’ attitudes of tolerance.

The book on the City of God and the City of Man is a masterpiece by St. Augustine that is very influential in the history of philosophy and theology. This book contains the background of Augustine's philosophical and theological reflections on the accusation of the destruction of the Roman Empire against Christianity. The City of God described in Augustine's perspective is a city that prioritizes love for God. While the City of Man is a city that reflects self-love. The implications of both types of cities in Augustine's perspective are very relevant to be discussed in the discourse on the concept of statehood. This paper also aims to analyze the relationship between democracy and capitalism in the perspective of Augustine of Hippo's thought, especially through the concept of civitas Dei (City of God) and civitas terrena (World City). This study uses a qualitative method with a library research approach. The results of this study show that democracy and capitalism, although providing space for freedom, are vulnerable to deviations when not guided by the correct moral orientation. In light of Augustine's thought, the crisis in modern democracy such as; Money politics, media manipulation, and anarchic demonstrations reflect the dominance of self-love (amor sui) that characterizes the civitas terrena. Therefore, democracy can only operate fairly if it is rooted in moral values ​​that lead to the common good (Bonum communae).

The background of this research is driven by the vital importance of strengthening democratic values amidst the challenges of globalization and digitalization, which have begun to erode civic consciousness among the younger generation, particularly in the Pasir Pengaraian region. As the flow of unfiltered information increases, there are significant concerns regarding the decline in understanding the essence of participatory democracy and civic ethics. The primary objective of this study is to analyze in depth the strategic role of civic education as a means to preserve democratic ideals and to identify supporting and inhibiting factors in its implementation within higher education environments. The research method employed is a descriptive qualitative approach, utilizing observations and in-depth interviews with students and academics in Pasir Pengaraian to obtain an objective overview of local political dynamics. Research findings indicate that civic education serves effectively as a pillar of political literacy capable of transforming student perceptions from apathy to active participation, while also serving as a medium for character building that respects diversity of opinion. Furthermore, the integration of local Pasir Pengaraian values with the national curriculum is proven to increase the relevance and absorption of democratic material among students.

Multicultural competence refers to an individual's capacity to navigate and value the diversity within their environment. This skill is essential for all strata of Indonesian society, given Indonesia's diversity in ethnicities, cultures, languages, and faiths. Teachers occupy a pivotal role in fostering multicultural competency within society, as they engage directly with pupils on a regular basis. Teacher intercultural competency has three primary dimensions: knowledge, attitudes, and skills. Multicultural knowledge can be acquired through multiple avenues, including formal education, specialised training, or firsthand experience with varied populations. Multicultural education seeks to equip students with an awareness of the complexities of variety in society, enabling them to coexist amicably. The fundamental principles of multicultural education encompass equality, democracy, pluralism, and tolerance. Educators, as pivotal participants in the educational process, are anticipated to comprehend multicultural values conceptually and to incorporate them into everyday instructional activities. Consequently, the multicultural competency of educators may cultivate students who are not only academically proficient but also possess an inclusive mindset, value diversity, and are prepared to engage in a pluralistic society.

This study aims to analyze reflection and citizenship discussion as strategies to strengthen democratic awareness and student participation in Civic Education learning. The background of this research is the prevalence of traditional, teacher-centered teaching strategies, which hinder student engagement and understanding of democratic principles. This study combines library research with a qualitative approach. Data on citizenship education, democracy education, reflections, and discussions were collected from various sources, including books, papers, scientific journals, and related documents. The results show that reflection can improve students’ awareness of democratic values, responsibility, tolerance, and the importance of deliberation. Meanwhile, citizenship discussion effectively increases active student participation, argumentation skills, cooperation, and confidence in expressing opinions. The integration of reflection and discussion creates Civic Education learning that is more interactive, critical, and meaningful. The main obstacles include limited learning time, low teacher readiness, and passive student learning culture. Therefore, learning innovation that encourages active student involvement is needed. This study concludes that reflection and citizenship discussion are effective strategies to develop young generations who are democratic, responsible, and participative in national and civic life

The book on the City of God and the City of Man is a masterpiece by St. Augustine that is very influential in the history of philosophy and theology. This book contains the background of Augustine's philosophical and theological reflections on the accusation of the destruction of the Roman Empire against Christianity. The City of God described in Augustine's perspective is a city that prioritizes love for God. While the City of Man is a city that reflects self-love. The implications of both types of cities in Augustine's perspective are very relevant to be discussed in the discourse on the concept of statehood. This paper also aims to analyze the relationship between democracy and capitalism in the perspective of Augustine of Hippo's thought, especially through the concept of civitas Dei (City of God) and civitas terrena (World City). This study uses a qualitative method with a library research approach. The results of this study show that democracy and capitalism, although providing space for freedom, are vulnerable to deviations when not guided by the correct moral orientation. In light of Augustine's thought, the crisis in modern democracy such as; Money politics, media manipulation, and anarchic demonstrations reflect the dominance of self-love (amor sui) that characterizes the civitas terrena. Therefore, democracy can only operate fairly if it is rooted in moral values ​​that lead to the common good (Bonum communae).

The moral crisis faced by the Indonesian nation is a serious challenge that can threaten the integrity and sustainability of the country's future. Phenomena such as corruption, intolerance, and weakening social integrity are clear evidence of the declining implementation of the noble values ​​contained in Pancasila. Pancasila Education has a strategic position in building national character and instilling moral values, especially in the younger generation. This article aims to examine the moral crisis in Indonesia and analyze the role of Pancasila Education in providing solutions to these problems. This study uses a literature research method to assess the relevance of Pancasila values ​​and the effectiveness of the implementation of Pancasila Education. The study results show that Pancasila values ​​such as religiosity, humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice have great potential in forming moral individuals. However, there are various challenges, including low student interest, lack of innovation in teaching, and the influence of globalization that can hinder the optimization of Pancasila Education. To overcome these obstacles, strategic steps are needed such as strengthening the curriculum, improving the quality of educators, and collaboration between families, schools, and the community. With maximum implementation, Pancasila Education can be the main key to rebuilding the nation's morality.

This article examines the relationship between Islamic politics and democracy in contemporary Indonesia. As the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, Indonesia presents a distinctive dynamic in the interaction between Islamic values and modern democratic systems. This study aims to analyze how Islamic political actors, including political parties and religious organizations, interact with and adapt to democratic practices in the post-Reform era. The research employs a qualitative method through a literature review of Indonesian academic journals published within the last five years. The findings indicate that Islamic politics in Indonesia is plural and dynamic, showing an adaptive tendency toward democratic principles. Islamic values such as deliberation (shura), justice, and equality are considered compatible with democratic ideals. However, Islamic politics also faces contemporary challenges, including the politicization of religion, identity politics, and social polarization. The article concludes that the relationship between Islamic politics and democracy in Indonesia is dynamic and largely adaptive within the framework of the Pancasila state.

This article examines three major streams of Islamic political thought in Indonesia through a comparative analysis of the ideas of Mohammad Natsir, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, and Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur). Mohammad Natsir embodies the constitutional–integralist perspective, which seeks to formalize Islam as the foundation of the state by utilizing democratic mechanisms and constitutional political processes. In contrast, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir reflects a radical–ideological orientation that firmly rejects democracy and advocates the full implementation of Islamic Sharia through extra-constitutional and non-parliamentary movements. Meanwhile, Abdurrahman Wahid represents a substantive–cultural approach, opposing the formal institutionalization of Islam within the state while promoting Islamic values as ethical guidance for building a tolerant and pluralistic nation. The contrasting viewpoints of these three figures highlight the diversity of Islamic political discourse in Indonesia and illustrate the evolving interaction between religion and state. Overall, this study demonstrates how Islamic thought continues to adapt and remain relevant within Indonesia’s multicultural and democratic context.

The president's prerogative is a form of power inherent in the president's position as head of state. One form of this prerogative is the granting of abolition, which is the abolition of legal proceedings against a person or group of people who are or will undergo judicial proceedings. However, in its implementation, the president's authority to grant abolition is not absolute, but is limited by the applicable legal provisions and constitutional mechanisms. This study aims to analyze the limits of the president's power in exercising the prerogative in the form of abolition and review the juridical aspects that govern the procedure and its considerations. The research method used is normative juridical research with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. Data sources are obtained from relevant laws and regulations, legal literature, and scientific works. The results of the study show that the president's authority in granting abolition is regulated in Article 14 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, which requires the president to pay attention to the considerations of the House of Representatives (DPR). Thus, this authority is not an absolute prerogative, but is limited by the principle of checks and balances in the Indonesian constitutional system. The conclusion of this study emphasizes that the restriction is a form of constitutional supervision over the use of presidential power to remain in line with the principles of the rule of law and constitutional democracy

The implementation of local democracy in Indonesia faces challenges when the electoral and procedural mechanisms regulated in modern village administration are not fully in line with the socio-cultural traditions of indigenous communities. Many villages still strongly uphold the values, norms, and authority of traditional institutions that have historically regulated communal life, including in terms of leadership legitimacy. Tension between formal democracy and customary values arises when the village political process is perceived as not reflecting the cultural identity of the community. This situation creates a need to understand how the integration of customary institutions can strengthen the legitimacy of village leaders in the local democratic system. This study uses a literature review method with a content analysis approach because the study focuses on the concept of the role of customary institutions in strengthening local democracy and the legitimacy of village leadership. This method allows researchers to explore theories and compare previous findings to form a systematic understanding. The research data comes from 19 secondary sources in the form of scientific books and journal articles published between 2016 and 2025 that are relevant to the themes of customs, village governance, community participation, and local leadership. The search was conducted using the Publish or Perish application with purposive sampling techniques to select sources directly related to the main research issue. This study concludes that the integration of traditional institutions into local democracy produces a model of village leadership that is legally strong and culturally rooted. This integration provides a basis for strengthening local democracy based on cultural wisdom, thereby supporting village development.

Civic Education holds a strategic position within the national education system as the primary instrument for shaping the personality of citizens in alignment with the values of Pancasila. This research is motivated by the phenomenon of moral degradation and the fading spirit of nationalism among the younger generation due to the unfiltered influence of globalization. The primary objective of this study is to analyze the extent of Civic Education's role in the school environment in transforming student character to possess noble morals, broad national insight, and a deep love for the motherland. The research method employed is a literature study with a qualitative approach, where data were collected through the analysis of various curriculum documents, scientific journals, and textbooks relevant to the implementation of the independent curriculum. Research findings indicate that Civic Education is not merely a theoretical transfer of civic knowledge but rather an effective process of value internalization through behavioral habituation within the school environment. The integration of teaching materials with practical applications in school life is proven to increase students' awareness of their rights and obligations as citizens. The analysis also reveals that strengthening moral character and national insight highly depends on teacher creativity in delivering interactive learning that is relevant to the students' social reality. The implications of this research emphasize the importance of revitalizing Civic Education teaching methods to be more adaptive to modern developments without losing national identity. Schools are expected to serve as laboratories of democracy and centers for sowing patriotic values to produce a golden generation that is not only intellectually competent but also possesses strong moral integrity to maintain the integrity of the Republic of Indonesia.

Although cryptographic security is often the main concern in e-voting system development, practical implementation failures are frequently associated with poor user interfaces that increase cognitive load and voting errors. This study evaluates the effectiveness of User-Centered Design (UCD) interventions in improving usability and voter confidence in an e-voting system. A one-group pretest-posttest design was applied to 36 respondents representing novice voters. Usability was measured using the System Usability Scale (SUS) before and after the interface redesign. The intervention focused on visual hierarchy, navigation consistency, status visibility, and error prevention. The results show a statistically significant improvement, with the mean SUS score increasing from 69.10 in the marginal category to 95.76 in the excellent category. The paired sample t-test produced t(35) = -7.3441 with p < 0.0001, while Cohen's d reached 1.2130, indicating a large practical effect. The standard deviation also decreased from 21.98 to 3.09, demonstrating a more consistent user experience. These findings indicate that interface optimization is essential for strengthening accessibility, voting accuracy, and user trust in digital democracy systems.

Constitutional Court Decision No. 135/PUU-XXII/2024, which separates the schedules for national elections (2029) and regional elections (2031), has the potential to create a legislative vacuum or institutional void in the Regional People’s Representative Councils (DPRD) during the 2029–2031 transition period. This is because the terms of office for DPRD members elected in the 2024 elections end in 2029, while the next elections will not be held until 2031, and there are currently no transitional provisions governing the mechanism for filling these vacancies. This study aims to analyze the legal implications of the decision regarding the potential for a DPRD vacancy and to evaluate the limits of the Constitutional Court’s authority in determining the design of synchronized elections. Using a normative legal research method with legislative, conceptual, and case-based approaches, this study identified three alternative mechanisms for filling DPRD vacancies: by-elections, term extensions, or amending the law with transitional provisions. The term extension option is deemed the most proportionate as it prioritizes legal certainty and legitimacy. This ruling has also sparked debate as it is viewed as exceeding the Constitutional Court’s authority as a negative legislator and entering the realm of open legal policy, although substantively it opens space for strengthening local democracy. The government and the House of Representatives are recommended to immediately revise the Election Law and the Regional Government Law by adding transitional provisions that explicitly regulate the mechanism for filling vacancies in the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD) during the 2029–2031 transition period in a careful and participatory manner.

Women’s representation in legislative institutions is an important indicator for assessing the quality of democracy and gender equality in a political system. Indonesia has implemented an affirmative policy requiring a minimum quota of 30% female candidates in legislative elections. However, its implementation at the local level still faces various challenges. This study aims to analyze the phenomenon of tokenism and the forms of women’s political representation in the nomination and election process of members of the Cilegon City Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) for the 2024–2029 period. This research employs a qualitative method with a descriptive approach using literature review and secondary data analysis. The analysis is based on Hanna Pitkin’s theory of political representation, which categorizes representation into four types: formal, symbolic, descriptive, and substantive. The findings show that only 4 out of 40 seats in the Cilegon City DPRD are occupied by women, representing approximately 10% of the total membership, and this figure has remained unchanged compared to the previous period. This condition indicates a gap between the fulfillment of the female candidate quota at the nomination stage and the low level of electoral success. Furthermore, the political recruitment process within parties also reflects indications of tokenism, where female candidates are often included merely to fulfill administrative requirements without sufficient political support. As a result, women’s representation in the Cilegon DPRD tends to remain at the formal and descriptive levels, while substantive representation remains a challenge in local political practice.

The election of regional heads is a form of democratic implementation that requires the active participation of the community as voters. However, in its implementation, various obstacles are still found such as low voter participation, limited access to information, and lack of efficiency in the conventional voting process. This research aims to develop an online-based regional head election information system as a solution to increase voter participation through the use of digital technology. The research method used is Research and Development (R&D) with a Waterfall system development model which includes the stages of needs analysis, system design, implementation, testing, and evaluation. The developed system provides features of voter registration, candidate information, online voting process, and real-time recapitulation of vote results. The system test is carried out using the Black Box Testing method and shows that all system functions are running according to the user's needs. The results of this study show that the implementation of an online-based election information system can provide easy access, increase transparency, and encourage community involvement, especially young voters, in the process of electing regional heads. Thus, this system has the potential to become a digital innovation that supports improving the quality of local democracy.

Criminal law policy in Indonesia saw significant modifications with the adoption of the new Criminal Code (KUHP), particularly with regard to the regulation of cohabitation and adultery. Because it directly affects people's private life and may have an impact on human rights protection, this arrangement has sparked discussion in the community. This study intends to investigate the application of the penal provisions of adultery and cohabitation in the new penal Code and examine its consequences for the protection of human rights. The research method applied was normative legal research with a legislative, conceptual, and human rights approach. The study's findings show that the regulation and implementation of laws relating to adultery and promiscuity can lead to issues in law enforcement, particularly those relating to the right to privacy, the proportionality of punishment principle, and the potential for actual abuse of power. The conclusion of this study underlines the necessity for the judicial implementation of the law and geared towards the protection of human rights, as well as the examination of criminal law policies to be in line with the ideals of the rule of law, democracy, and respect for individual freedom.

The doctrine of open legal policy is a jurisprudential construction of the Constitutional Court that provides space for lawmakers to formulate norms as long as they do not contradict the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Nevertheless, the application of this doctrine in the practice of law testing has raised various constitutional problems, particularly concerning the limits of authority between legislators and the Constitutional Court, as well as the protection of citizens' constitutional rights. This research aims to analyze the concept and construction of open legal policy within the Indonesian constitutional system and to formulate the constitutional limits of its application in Constitutional Court decisions. This research is a normative legal study with an approach based on legislation, a conceptual approach, and a case approach. The legal materials used include the 1945 Constitution, relevant legislation, and pertinent Constitutional Court decisions. The research results indicate that open legal policy cannot be interpreted as absolute freedom for lawmakers, but must be limited by the principle of constitutional supremacy, protection of constitutional rights, and the principle of proportionality as reflected in Article 28J paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. The ambiguity of the parameters for applying this doctrine has the potential to cause inconsistencies in rulings and disrupt legal certainty. Therefore, a more precise and consistent formulation of constitutional limits is necessary to maintain the balance between representative democracy and constitutional oversight.

This research is driven by the increasing strength of religion-based identity politics in Indonesia’s post-reform electoral democracy, which creates a dilemma between legitimate political competition and threats to interfaith harmony. The problem formulation of this study concerns how identity politics challenges religious harmony and to what extent harmony can serve as an instrument to reduce polarization and reinforce democratic consolidation. The research questions focus on two main aspects: (1) how the dynamics of harmony are tested by the exploitation of religious issues within electoral contests, and (2) how harmonization strategies can function as social capital in maintaining democratic stability. Using a qualitative approach with a juridical-normative and socio-political framework, this study relies on a literature review involving laws and regulations, court decisions, official state documents, and national and international academic works, combined with content analysis of religiously nuanced political narratives in media and public discourse. The findings indicate that harmony is not a natural social condition but a socio-political construction that is vulnerable to instrumentalization by electoral interests. FKUB and harmony-related regulations tend to remain normative and less effective in the absence of substantive justice. Nonetheless, harmony still holds potential as strategic capital for democracy if it is developed through a framework of justice, religious political literacy, and inclusive democratic governance.

Pancasila democracy places the people as the main subjects in national and state life. The rapid development of the digital era has brought significant changes to democratic practices through easier access to information and increased public participation in digital spaces. In this context, young generations have a strategic role as the group most adaptive to information and communication technology. This study aims to analyze the role of young generations in maintaining and strengthening the values of Pancasila democracy in the digital era. The research method used is a qualitative descriptive approach with a literature study. Data were collected from various sources, including books, scientific journal articles, and research reports relevant to digital democracy and youth participation. The findings indicate that young generations can actively contribute by improving digital literacy, increasing political participation through digital media, and utilizing digital platforms as tools for education and advocacy. Furthermore, young generations play an important role in countering misinformation, strengthening the values of social justice, unity, and critical awareness in accordance with Pancasila principles. However, challenges such as the spread of disinformation, social polarization, and limited critical thinking skills in digital spaces remain significant obstacles. Therefore, continuous democratic education and digital literacy are essential to enable young generations to become responsible agents of change in sustaining Pancasila democracy in the digital era.