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This study aims to analyze the political advocacy strategies employed by Jakarta Feminists in influencing the policy formulation process related to gender equality issues in Indonesia through various forms of social mobilization, including digital campaigns, public education, and collaboration with other civil society organizations. Jakarta Feminists emerged as a feminist collective actively advocating against policies deemed discriminatory against women and vulnerable groups. This study used a qualitative approach with a literature study method by Bogdan and Taylor as cited by Lexy J. Moleong. Data were obtained through literature studies from scientific journals, news, and social media content analysis. The analysis was conducted using Sidney Tarrow's social movement theory, with indicators of Political Opportunity Structure, Mobilizing Structures, Framing Processes, and Repertoires of Contention. The results show that Jakarta Feminists utilize political momentum, public issues, and digital spaces as strategies to expand support and pressure policymakers. In addition, the use of social media, the production of public knowledge, and collaboration with civil society organizations are forms of mobilization that strengthen the movement's advocacy capacity. Jakarta Feminists also successfully frame issues so that they are easy to understand. Collective action is also Jakarta Feminist's most iconic form of action and a consistent form of public pressure on the government each year. This study concludes that Jakarta Feminist's advocacy strategy demonstrates how feminist-based social movements can leverage political opportunities and mobilization structures to influence the discourse and direction of gender policy in Indonesia.

The shift in the international political order from a unipolar to a multipolar system has created increasingly complex global security dynamics and the potential for conflicts among states. This condition requires improving international political literacy among civil society, particularly Indonesian youth, so they can critically understand and respond to geopolitical transformations. In response to this urgency, this Community Service Program (PKM) aimed to enhance students’ global issue literacy through the Foreign Policy Community of Indonesia (FPCI) Goes To School (FGTS) 5.0 program themed Conflict & Military. The activity was conducted on April 6, 2026, involving 40 eleventh-grade students at SMA Negeri 97 Jakarta. The implementation method combined interactive lectures with popular culture references to make the material easier for teenagers to understand. Evaluation was conducted through pre-tests and post-tests in the form of multiple-choice quizzes. The material covered the concept of United States national interests, the Board of Peace (BoP) security initiative, Realism Theory, and the conflicts involving the United States, Israel, and Iran. The evaluation results showed that students had strong understanding of popular global issues but limited comprehension of technical aspects related to international institutions, such as the role of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Therefore, future international political literacy programs should focus more on strategic and technical issues that are less familiar to the public.

This study aimsmto examineiin depthvthe perspective of information technology law and human rights on the phenomenon of political buzzers on social media within the context of digital development in the era of globalization. This research is motivated by the rapid advancement of information technology, which has brought significant changes in various aspects of society, including the political sphere that increasingly utilizes social media as a means of communication and information dissemination. The phenomenon of political buzzers has become a controversial issue, particularly during election periods, as it is often associated with the spread of inaccurate information, defamation, hate speech, and the manipulation of public opinion that may harm society and disrupt social stability. This study employs a normative legal research method using statutory and conceptual approaches. The results indicate that political buzzers generally operate under the justification of freedom of expression as part of human rights. However, such freedom is not absolute and must be limited to prevent violations of others' rights and to maintain public order. In this regard, information technology law in Indonesia, particularly through regulations governing digital activities, plays an important role in controlling deviant buzzer practices. Nevertheless, the absence of specific regulations explicitly governing political buzzers has resulted in less optimal law enforcement. Therefore, strengthening regulations and increasing public awareness in the wise use of social media are necessary to create a healthy, responsible, and sustainable digital ecosystem.

This article examines the relationship between Islamic politics and democracy in contemporary Indonesia. As the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, Indonesia presents a distinctive dynamic in the interaction between Islamic values and modern democratic systems. This study aims to analyze how Islamic political actors, including political parties and religious organizations, interact with and adapt to democratic practices in the post-Reform era. The research employs a qualitative method through a literature review of Indonesian academic journals published within the last five years. The findings indicate that Islamic politics in Indonesia is plural and dynamic, showing an adaptive tendency toward democratic principles. Islamic values such as deliberation (shura), justice, and equality are considered compatible with democratic ideals. However, Islamic politics also faces contemporary challenges, including the politicization of religion, identity politics, and social polarization. The article concludes that the relationship between Islamic politics and democracy in Indonesia is dynamic and largely adaptive within the framework of the Pancasila state.

This article examines three major streams of Islamic political thought in Indonesia through a comparative analysis of the ideas of Mohammad Natsir, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, and Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur). Mohammad Natsir embodies the constitutional–integralist perspective, which seeks to formalize Islam as the foundation of the state by utilizing democratic mechanisms and constitutional political processes. In contrast, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir reflects a radical–ideological orientation that firmly rejects democracy and advocates the full implementation of Islamic Sharia through extra-constitutional and non-parliamentary movements. Meanwhile, Abdurrahman Wahid represents a substantive–cultural approach, opposing the formal institutionalization of Islam within the state while promoting Islamic values as ethical guidance for building a tolerant and pluralistic nation. The contrasting viewpoints of these three figures highlight the diversity of Islamic political discourse in Indonesia and illustrate the evolving interaction between religion and state. Overall, this study demonstrates how Islamic thought continues to adapt and remain relevant within Indonesia’s multicultural and democratic context.

The abuse of authority by public officials within Indonesia’s governmental administration has become an increasingly urgent issue to address. Such misconduct undermines the fundamental principles of good governance  including transparency, accountability, and justice which are essential for ensuring efficient and effective government operations. This study aims to conduct an in-depth analysis of the forms of abuse of authority by public officials, the factors influencing such behavior, and its impact on the effectiveness of governance and public trust. The research employs a normative approach with a prescriptive legal method, analyzing legislation related to the abuse of authority as well as a case-based approach to explore the implementation of authority by public officials in governmental practice.The findings indicate that abuse of authority may occur in various forms, such as exceeding the limits of granted power, conflating different authorities, or acting arbitrarily for personal or group interests  all of which contradict the principle of legality governing governmental actions. Moreover, such practices negatively affect the quality of public services and tarnish the image of governmental institutions. The study also finds that although Law No. 30 of 2014 on Government Administration provides a clear legal framework, its implementation remains hindered by weak internal and external oversight systems. Therefore, this research recommends strengthening more effective supervision mechanisms, enhancing transparency in administrative decision-making processes, and involving the public in monitoring efforts to ensure that public officials exercise their authority in accordance with established objectives in pursuit of a clean and just government.

This study analyzes the politics of spatial planning in the land-use conversion of the Bowosie Forest in Labuan Bajo as part of the National Strategic Project (PSN) for tourism development. The transformation of the forest into an economic tourism zone demonstrates that spatial planning is not neutral, but rather an arena of power relations among the state, investors, and local communities. Through regulatory instruments such as revisions of the Regional Spatial Plan (RTRW), ministerial decrees on forest release, and the granting of Management Rights (HPL) to BPOLBF, the state has facilitated tourism investment and the commodification of space. Using a qualitative approach and David Harvey’s theory of Accumulation by Dispossession, the study finds that these policies have produced three forms of exclusion: spatial exclusion (loss of access to land and water sources), political exclusion (limited community participation in decision-making), and economic exclusion (development benefits concentrated among investors). The village government occupies a structurally limited position due to the top-down nature of the policy framework. The study concludes that the conversion of the Bowosie Forest reflects a process of capital accumulation legalized through state regulation, highlighting the need for more inclusive and socially just spatial planning.

This research is entitled Oko Mama as a Tool of Political Consolidation in Society (Atoin Pah Meto) (Case Study of the 2023 Village Head Election in Saenam Village, West Miomaffo District, TTU). The main problem of this research is how oko mama as a tool of political consolidation in the village head election in Saenam Village, in establishing relations between candidates and the community in the village head election in Saenam Village, West Miomaffo District, TTU. The theory used in this study is the theory of political consolidation which refers to oko mama as a tool of political consolidation in Society (Atoin Pah Meto). The results of this study indicate that Oko Mama has several functions, namely as a cultural, as a form of appreciation to guests to convey a purpose, where oko mama is a tool for political consolidation ahead of the village head elections. However, in this study, oko mama does not provide a certainty for the community to choose the candidate due to several factors including educational factors and the community's perception of the candidate. The conclusion of this study is that Oko Mama is a tool for political consolidation in Sgenam Village, but it cannot guarantee that the candidate will obtain the most votes and win the village head election due to educational level and various public perceptions about the candidate. Traditional leaders have power in Saenam Village, but they cannot unite the community if the consolidation tool used is Oko Mama.

This research is motivated by the phenomenon of Izhar Majid’s election, as he successfully maintained his position as a legislative member in Jambi Province and achieved a significant victory in his constituency despite intense political competition. His success is notable because he does not come from a political family, lacks elite family connections, and was still able to maintain his voter base after switching political parties. This condition raises questions about how he utilized political capital to gain public support. The study aims to analyze the forms, strategies, and utilization of political capital in winning political contests. Using political capital theory, this descriptive qualitative research collected primary data through interviews and secondary data from documentation, literature, and official election results. The findings show that his success was driven by the optimization of integrated political capital. Social capital was built through strong networks with community leaders and voter groups. Symbolic capital emerged from his positive image and reputation. Economic capital supported structured campaign activities. Combined with direct public engagement and targeted communication media, these factors significantly increased his visibility and electability.

This study explores how young legislative candidates at the local level utilize Instagram as a campaign medium in the era of political digitalism. The focus is on two DPRD candidates in Tangerang City during the 2024 election in Electoral District 3 (Cipondoh–Pinang): Muhamad Azka Nur Fauzi from the National Mandate Party and Ashma Nafilah Maulida from the Prosperous Justice Party. Employing a qualitative descriptive approach and in-depth interviews with key informants, this research analyzes their personal branding strategies using Peter Montoya’s eight laws of personal branding.  The findings reveal that despite their relatively small number of followers, both candidates successfully built authentic and community-relevant political images. MANF emphasized UMKM development and religiosity, aligning with his personal background, while ANM highlighted humanistic social programs and her unique writing hobby. Nevertheless, both still showed weaknesses in several of Montoya’s principles, particularly distinctiveness and visibility consistency. The study concludes that Instagram is not merely a low-cost promotional tool but a strategic platform for local candidates to foster public trust, provided their personal branding remains authentic, consistent, and responsive to local needs.

Women’s representation in legislative institutions is an important indicator for assessing the quality of democracy and gender equality in a political system. Indonesia has implemented an affirmative policy requiring a minimum quota of 30% female candidates in legislative elections. However, its implementation at the local level still faces various challenges. This study aims to analyze the phenomenon of tokenism and the forms of women’s political representation in the nomination and election process of members of the Cilegon City Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) for the 2024–2029 period. This research employs a qualitative method with a descriptive approach using literature review and secondary data analysis. The analysis is based on Hanna Pitkin’s theory of political representation, which categorizes representation into four types: formal, symbolic, descriptive, and substantive. The findings show that only 4 out of 40 seats in the Cilegon City DPRD are occupied by women, representing approximately 10% of the total membership, and this figure has remained unchanged compared to the previous period. This condition indicates a gap between the fulfillment of the female candidate quota at the nomination stage and the low level of electoral success. Furthermore, the political recruitment process within parties also reflects indications of tokenism, where female candidates are often included merely to fulfill administrative requirements without sufficient political support. As a result, women’s representation in the Cilegon DPRD tends to remain at the formal and descriptive levels, while substantive representation remains a challenge in local political practice.

The era of digital disruption has given birth to the phenomenon of post-truth and massive disinformation, which triggers sharp political polarization on social media, thereby threatening democratic stability and social integration in Indonesia. This study aims to analyze the effectiveness of implementing Islamic political ethics (Siyasah Syar’iyah) and the transformation of Tabayyun values as instruments for mitigating information disorder in the digital public sphere. The rationale for this research is the urgent need for a robust ethical framework to complement technical-secular digital literacy, which has been deemed insufficient in curbing emotional sentiments and religious hoaxes. The research method employed is qualitative with a library research approach, integrating various contemporary scientific references from the last five years (2020-2025). The research findings indicate that Islamic political ethics offers a holistic solution through the reconstruction of transcendental values in cyberspace activities. The main finding (novelty) of this research is the "Cyber Activism Based on Amar Ma’ruf Nahi Munkar" model, which synergizes the role of Islamic Religious Education (PAI), revelation-based media literacy, and moderate-characterized digital leadership. This model transforms netizens from mere information consumers into agents of "Digital Piety" who actively produce counter-narratives to create a civilized and integrated digital ecosystem.

This study aims to analyze gender-based political violence in the 2020 Regional Head Elections in South Tangerang City and its impact on women’s representation in politics. The case analyzed involves social media attacks against Rahayu Saraswati Djojohadikusumo during her campaign for Deputy Mayor, in which an old photo of her while pregnant was used as material for sexually charged attacks. This study employs a qualitative method using a case study approach through literature review. The analysis utilizes Kate Manne’s theory of misogyny, which views misogyny as a social mechanism within the patriarchal system to control and discipline women entering the public sphere. The results of the study indicate that gender-based political violence manifests in the form of the moral delegitimization of women, digital intimidation or harassment, policing of women in public spaces, and the objectification of women’s bodies. These phenomena demonstrate that gender bias remains a barrier for women in securing equal space in local political contests.

Language and news have a close relationship because language is a medium to convey news. In news, the use of noun phrases is important to pay attention to, so that there is no misunderstanding. Therefore, this study aims to analyse the use of object phrases in news texts, focusing on their elements, types, and functions. In this research, two approaches are used, namely qualitative descriptive and syntax. The results show that in the news text, there are various variations of noun phrases. This diversity is seen in the different patterns of phrase formation, which differ in structure and constituent elements. The type of noun phrase that is often found is the subordinate noun phrase. The results showed that noun phrases can occupy syntactic functions as long as their use does not exceed the limits of sentence structure. In Indonesian syntax, noun phrases can function as subjects, objects, or descriptions. Therefore, noun phrases play an important role in the formation of a sentence.

News texts are a systematic way of conveying information that contains declarative and imperative sentences used to convey meaning directly and demonstrate the persuasive value of the news. The research goals are to analyze imperative sentences to understand how commands, requests, prohibitions, or invitations are conveyed so that they can influence the actions or responses of readers, as well as to analyze declarative sentences, which play an important role in constructing discourse structure and indicating the writer's position on the topic being discussed. This study was conducted using a qualitative descriptive method. This method was chosen because it can describe what is seen, heard, felt, and asked. The researcher considers qualitative descriptive research to accurately describe a situation without manipulating variables.  This research concludes that imperative sentences elicit responses in the form of agreement and action, or rejection, either directly or indirectly. Meanwhile, declarative sentences serve as a guide or basis for understanding the context the speaker wishes to convey and can also be used to reinforce previously conveyed information to avoid ambiguity and misunderstanding when examining the meaning. This research is expected to be useful in linguistic studies, more specifically in syntactic material that discusses declarative and imperative sentences in news texts and political discourses.

Gender inequality in Indonesian politics forms part of broader structural and cultural dynamics that shape women’s positions in the public sphere. In historical studies, the thought of R.A. Kartini is often interpreted primarily as a symbol of educational and moral emancipation, while the political dimension of her ideas receives limited attention. This study aims to examine Kartini’s political thought as reflected in her letters, positioning her as a political subject who articulated critiques of social structures, customary norms, and patriarchal power relations through non-formal means. This research adopts a qualitative approach with a library-based research design. The data are derived from an analysis of Kartini’s letters compiled in Door Duisternis tot Licht and supported by relevant academic literature. A descriptive-analytical method with a thematic approach is employed to explore political ideas and discourses embedded in the texts. Kartini’s thought in this study is understood as a form of political awareness that extends beyond individual emancipation and relates to broader issues of women’s political participation. This research contributes to the study of women’s politics by offering a historical perspective that places women as political subjects.

Demonstrations demanding the dissolution of the House of Representatives by 2025 highlight a crisis of public trust and serve as a key moment in Indonesia's political landscape. These protests have not only symbolic significance but also lead to elite repositioning, the temporary dismissal of several members, and the cessation of policy that increased benefits. This study examines how the crisis has prompted political institutional reconstruction and the role of civil society in influencing change. A descriptive qualitative approach was used, including literature studies, analysis of academic literature, official documents, and media reports. The findings indicate that actions by the House of Representatives, such as the rotation of Commission III leadership, member deactivation, and rejection of benefit increases, were primarily reactive to public pressure. The discussion reveals that while these actions reduce crisis escalation, they are cosmetic and do not address structural issues like legislative accountability and budget transparency. In conclusion, the 2025 protests provide an opportunity for civil society to engage politically outside elections, but the institutional changes made are short-term. Fundamental reform can only occur if civil movements remain consistent and if political parties and the government commit to reform.

This study examines Banten Lama as a political symbol that shapes regional identity in Banten Province. As the former center of the Banten Sultanate from the 16th to the 18th century, the site holds not only historical and religious significance but also functions as a symbolic space influencing political legitimacy and the construction of collective identity in contemporary Banten society. Using a qualitative approach with a case study design, this research analyzes how local government, political elites, and communities negotiate the symbolic meanings of Banten Lama through ritual practices, public discourse, and revitalization policies. Data were collected through literature review, non-participatory observation, visual documentation, and examination of policy documents. The findings reveal that Banten Lama operates as a symbolic arena that intertwines historical narratives, Islamic spirituality, and political interests. The government employs symbols of the former sultanate to construct moral legitimacy and a religious political image, while local communities interpret Banten Lama as a spiritual space and a source of economic livelihood. Although the use of historical symbols strengthens regional identity, it also gives rise to symbolic politics that often dominate public space without being accompanied by substantive policy outcomes. This study concludes that the governance of Banten Lama requires participatory and culturally grounded approaches to ensure the sustainable preservation of its historical and social values.

The transformation of political communication in the digital era has fundamentally altered the ways political parties and their affiliated wing organizations interact with party cadres and the broader public. In Indonesia, party wing organizations such as Angkatan Muda Pembaharuan Indonesia (AMPI), Angkatan Muda Partai Golkar (AMPG), and other youth wings increasingly rely on social media as the primary medium for political cadre formation. However, this shift has not only created new opportunities for participation but has also generated structural problems, including the dominance of symbolic communication, the personalization of political elites, and the subordination of ideological discourse to the algorithmic logic of digital platforms. This article aims to critically examine how the digital political communication of party wing organizations operates within the context of Indonesia’s representative democracy, the extent to which it constitutes a deliberative public sphere for young cadres, and how such practices affect the quality of political cadre formation. Employing a critical paradigm and a transdisciplinary qualitative approach, the study integrates Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, Aeron Davis’s evaluation of democratic communication, and the concept of the mediatization of politics. The findings indicate that the digital communication of party wings tends to function primarily as an instrument of symbolic consolidation and loyalty mobilization rather than as an arena for dialogical political education. Consequently, digital cadre formation produces representational identities more than critical political consciousness. This article therefore recommends a reorientation of the digital political communication of party wing organizations toward deliberative and emancipatory models in order to strengthen internal party democracy and promote substantive political regeneration.

This study investigates the influence of Apparatus Competency and Information Systems on Community Political Participation in the Local Government Head Election during the COVID-19 pandemic era in Karawang Regency. The COVID-19 pandemic has posed significant challenges to democratic processes, particularly in maintaining voter participation while ensuring public health safety. Employing a mixed-methods approach combining quantitative and qualitative data with Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) analysis, this research analyzed data from 263 respondents across various election administrative units. The results indicate that: (1) Apparatus Competency does not have a significant positive effect on Community Political Participation (T-value = 1.01 < 1.96); (2) Information Systems have a significant positive effect on Community Political Participation (T-value = 2.78 > 1.96; path coefficient = 0.67). The combined contribution of both variables explains 76% of the variance in political participation. From these findings, the study proposes the Skills Democracy Model, emphasizing that digital information skills and organizational experience are critical determinants of democratic participation quality during pandemic conditions. These findings have significant implications for election governance reform and e-democracy development in Indonesia.