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This study analyzes Muhammad Asad's Islamic political thought, which seeks to unite Islamic spiritual values with modern political thought. Asad rejects the limited view that considers Islam merely a ritualistic religion, and asserts that Islam is a value system that governs various aspects of life, including politics and government. Using a qualitative approach and library research methods, this study explores Asad's ideas on the Islamic state, democracy and shura, social justice, and the interaction between religion and the state. The findings of this study show that Asad views the Islamic state as an ethical entity that upholds justice, the rule of law, and moral responsibility. The concept of shura is understood as a type of moral democracy based on the values of justice and public participation. Asad also emphasizes that social justice is an important aspect of Islamic government that supports the welfare of society. Asad's thinking rejects both extreme secularism and absolute theocracy, and offers a model of Islamic politics that is rational, participatory, and based on morality. The relevance of this thinking lies in its ability to provide solutions to the crisis of ethics and justice in modern politics through a combination of spirituality and rationality in government.

The state of law and democracy are two concepts that are interrelated in the mechanism of managing the government of a country. Democracy provides the foundation for creating equality and equality of rights for all citizens, while the state of law emphasizes that power in a country must be subject to the rule of law, not the will of a particular individual or group. This research is a normative legal research with a normative juridical approach that seeks to explore the harmony of legal rules with applicable norms. The results of the study show that from the colonial period to the reform era, a lot of progress has been made in strengthening the principles of the rule of law, both formally and substantially. The 1998 reform was a momentum that marked a strong commitment to make Indonesia a democratic country of law, where every citizen has rights and obligations protected by law. In Indonesia, democracy has gone through various phases from the parliamentary era, Guided Democracy, New Order, to the reform era that provides greater space for people's involvement.

This research examines money politics as a root problem in Indonesia’s democratic system, focusing on the 2019 and 2024 general elections. Money politics refers to the practice of distributing cash or goods by candidates, campaign teams, or volunteers to influence voters’ political choices. This study employs a qualitative method with a literature study approach to analyze several cases that occurred across different regions in Indonesia. The findings reveal that money politics was widespread during both elections, with the main modus operandi involving the distribution of cash, basic goods, and facilities. This practice not only violates the principles of free and fair elections but also undermines citizens’ dignity, weakens popular sovereignty, and serves as a major driver of political corruption. Contributing factors include power ambition, vulnerable economic conditions, low political education, weak oversight, and entrenched transactional political culture. To address this issue, the research highlights the importance of political party reform and strengthening democratic education, particularly through civic education programs. These efforts aim to increase political awareness among citizens and improve the overall quality of Indonesia’s democracy.

Pancasila, as the foundational ideology of Indonesia, plays a fundamental role in shaping a democratic system and ensuring the protection of human rights based on justice. From Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s perspective, Pancasila is not merely a normative ideology but serves as a political and legal paradigm that integrates the values of divinity, humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice into the practice of governance. According to Yusril, Indonesian democracy cannot be equated with Western liberalism, which emphasizes individual freedom; rather, it is a constitutional democracy grounded in the moral and spiritual foundations of Pancasila. The values of Pancasila position human rights in a balanced relationship between rights and responsibilities, as well as between individual and collective interests of the nation. Thus, democracy and human rights, in Yusril’s view, are integralistic—citizens’ freedoms are directed toward realizing social j  ustice and order in national life. This article aims to examine Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s thoughts on the relationship between Pancasila, democracy, and human rights, and their relevance within the context of Indonesia’s contemporary constitutional system.

Pancasila, as the foundational ideology of Indonesia, plays a fundamental role in shaping a democratic system and ensuring the protection of human rights based on justice. From Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s perspective, Pancasila is not merely a normative ideology but serves as a political and legal paradigm that integrates the values of divinity, humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice into the practice of governance. According to Yusril, Indonesian democracy cannot be equated with Western liberalism, which emphasizes individual freedom; rather, it is a constitutional democracy grounded in the moral and spiritual foundations of Pancasila. The values of Pancasila position human rights in a balanced relationship between rights and responsibilities, as well as between individual and collective interests of the nation. Thus, democracy and human rights, in Yusril’s view, are integralistic—citizens’ freedoms are directed toward realizing social j  ustice and order in national life. This article aims to examine Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s thoughts on the relationship between Pancasila, democracy, and human rights, and their relevance within the context of Indonesia’s contemporary constitutional system.

Civic Education (PKn) has a strategic role as the main means in internalizing the values of Pancasila to students. Through PKn, the process of forming the character and personality of citizens can be carried out systematically, sustainably, and contextually, based on the values of divinity, humanity, unity, democracy, and justice. The internalization of these values is not only through mastery of concepts, but also through habituation of attitudes and behaviors in daily life. An interactive, reflective, and social project-based approach to learning allows learners to actively develop moral awareness, social responsibility, and a sense of nationalism. PKn functions as a character education instrument that not only forms civic knowledge, but also builds a strong national identity and a tolerant spirit. In the context of globalization and the challenges of the digital era, civil society is an important foundation in equipping the young generation to be able to be critical, adaptive, and still uphold national values. Therefore, PKn is not just a formal subject, but a strategic vehicle in forming a generation with Pancasila character who is ready to contribute positively to the life of society, nation, and state. This research emphasizes the urgency of PKn revitalization as a transformative and contextual value education.

Indonesia is a democratic country. Democracy provides freedom of space to express opinions, suggestions, and criticisms regarding the state. This study examines the neutrality of Apartur Sipil Negara (ASN) as a pillar of public ethics in the era of Indonesian democracy using the perspective of Good Governance theory. According to the World Bank (1992), good governance has four main principles, namely accountability, transparency, rule of law, and participation. However, democracy in Indonesia still faces various challenges that require serious attention. Political education, monitoring of democratic violations, and strengthening democratic institutions must be priorities to ensure democracy can run well. This study uses a literature study method by reviewing academic literature, regulations, and previous research. The results of the study indicate that the neutrality of ASN is the foundation of public administration ethics and an integral part of good governance. However, its implementation faces challenges in the form of patrimonial culture, political intervention, weak supervision, and inconsistent sanctions. Strengthening regulations, internalization of public ethics, and political commitment are needed to ensure the neutrality of ASN is truly maintained as the ideal of Weberian bureaucracy. Violations of the neutrality of Aparatur Sipil Negara (ASN) in Indonesia remain a serious and recurring problem, especially in the lead-up to electoral political momentum. KASN data from 2020–2024 shows that the number of cases of violations of ASN neutrality tends to increase in election years, illustrating the weak internalization and implementation of Good Governance principles according to the World Bank (1992). Regarding accountability, many ASN are still involved in practical political activities that prevent them from being neutral. Transparency, oversight, and enforcement of sanctions are still not optimal because information on violations is not fully disclosed. Regarding the rule of law, handling of ASN violations is still weak, resulting in a lack of deterrent effect. Regarding participation, the public is affected by ASN partisanship, which has the potential to create political pressure that ultimately undermines the quality of democratic freedom.

Voter education is an important instrument in realizing a quality and sustainable democracy. Through the process of voter education socialization, it is hoped that the public can understand in depth their rights and obligations in the implementation of elections, as well as encourage active and responsible participation in the democratic process. Citizen participation in democratic social life must be based on adequate knowledge, critical reflection, and awareness of the rights and responsibilities as voters. A good understanding of the effectiveness of voter education socialization can shape a critical, rational, and independent attitude in exercising the right to vote, thereby strengthening the foundations of a clean and integrity-based democracy. This community service was carried out in the Selogiri District, Wonogiri Regency, with the aim of providing political education to the public regarding the importance of participation in the 2024 simultaneous regional head elections. Through a Participatory Action Research (PAR) approach, the community was actively involved as subjects in the activity process, not just as objects receiving information. Community service activities are carried out by integrating outreach into various village events, aimed at attracting residents to attend, interact, and directly discuss local political issues and forms of participation in the regional elections. Through these activities, it is hoped that the community will have a more comprehensive understanding of the importance of their role in determining the direction of regional policy through the regional elections. This education is also expected to raise awareness to vote based on conscience, without intervention or negative influences such as money politics, which has been a major challenge in every election at both the central and regional levels.

This study explores the tension between freedom of expression and the enforcement of criminal law in the digital space, using a case study of political memes depicting national figures Prabowo Subianto and Joko Widodo in a satirical context. The case sparked controversy after law enforcement authorities applied morality provisions from Indonesia's Electronic Information and Transactions Law (UU ITE), which many experts consider irrelevant to the substance of the content. Employing a qualitative approach through literature review, the analysis is framed within three theoretical perspectives: Constitutional Democracy Theory, Human Rights Theory, and Criminal Law Theory. The findings reveal that the application of ambiguous provisions in the UU ITE to digital expression has the potential to violate the rule of law, restrict civil liberties, and create a chilling effect on citizens' political participation. Consequently, this study recommends legal reform and the enhancement of digital literacy as strategies to strengthen constitutional democracy in the digital era.

This paper aims to explore the charismatic leadership model of Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) from the perspective of Pancasila Education, with an emphasis on the internalization of human values, tolerance, and democracy embedded in the national and cultural praxis. Using a approach based on literature study, this article shows how Gus Dur became a transformative leader who consistently realized the second, third, and fourth principles of Pancasila. His leadership not only defended the nation's plurality but also created interreligious dialogue spaces and protected minority groups as concrete manifestations of humanity and tolerance values. Furthermore, the deliberative democracy he pioneered remains a significant legacy for political education and national character development.

Constitutional amendments are crucial instruments in the dynamics of state governance, particularly in democratic countries that adopt either a presidential or parliamentary system. This study aims to analyze and compare the mechanisms, implications, and challenges of the constitutional amendment process in both systems. Using a descriptive-comparative approach, the research examines how each system designs and implements constitutional changes, including the role of the legislative and executive branches, as well as public participation. The findings indicate that the presidential system tends to have a more rigid amendment procedure compared to the parliamentary system, which is more flexible in enacting constitutional changes. These differences have implications for government stability, decision-making effectiveness, and the balance of power within each system. Therefore, a deep understanding of constitutional amendment mechanisms in different governmental systems is essential to ensure that constitutional changes remain aligned with democratic principles and national interests.

This article discusses the urgency of strengthening Pancasila-based political ethics in addressing the challenges of the digital era. Pancasila, as the foundation of the state and a source of public ethics, faces various distortions in digital political practices, such as social media polarization, the spread of hoaxes, and the manipulation of public opinion. In this context, the values of Pancasila—particularly unity, social justice, and deliberation—serve as the moral foundation that must be reinforced through digital literacy and inclusive public policies. The discussion in this paper includes the concept of political ethics, the relevance of Pancasila values in digital spaces, strategies for strengthening these values through digital literacy curricula and public campaigns, and examples of implementation in digital policies and the behavior of online political actors. Using a normative and applicative approach, this paper emphasizes the importance of collaboration between the government, society, and media in creating an ethical and democratic digital ecosystem. Strengthening Pancasila-based political ethics is expected to foster a moral, critical, and inclusive Indonesian digital society.

This research aims to explore the role of social media in Indonesia's digital democracy, by highlighting the tension between its function as a tool of hegemony or a means of emancipation. The background of this study is the increasing use of social media by political actors and civil society in voicing, shaping or criticizing public narratives ahead of the 2024 elections. This study uses a critical qualitative approach with a descriptive study design, and applies the Critical Discourse Analysis method and netnographic observation of political content on three main platforms: Twitter, TikTok, and Instagram. Data was collected through literature studies, digital documentation, and observation of user interactions in digital political campaigns. The results show that the digital space is dominated by hegemonic actors such as political elites, partisan buzzers, and platform algorithms that reinforce certain narratives. However, there are also spaces of emancipation formed by digital communities and independent content creators who use social media as a means of political education and symbolic resistance. Counter-narratives that emerge tend to be temporary and are often limited by distribution and visibility controls. These findings have important implications for the development of more critical and participatory digital literacy policies. In addition, this study contributes to the enrichment of critical communication theory, by affirming the importance of viewing social media as a complex pedagogical and ideological field in contemporary democratic practice.

The highest sovereignty lies in the hands of the people and is carried out based on the Constitution". Likewise, Article 1 paragraph (3) which reads: "The State of Indonesia is a State of Law". Previously known as a state based on law (rechtsstaat). This concept is an elaboration of the Rule of Law concept, guided by the continental European legal system. From the perspective of understanding people's sovereignty, the highest sovereignty lies in the hands of the people. The highest power in the hands of the people is limited by the agreement that they themselves determine together which is stated in the rules of law which culminates in the formulation of the constitution as a product of the highest agreement of all the people. The democratic system as stated in Article 1 Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, that: "is marked by direct democracy by the people, from the people, and for the people". So the head of state who before the amendment was elected by the MPR RI has changed where he is elected directly by the people through the election of the president and vice president and even regional heads (regional elections). Government for the people means that the power given from and by the people to the government must be exercised for the benefit of the people.Therefore, there needs to be government sensitivity to the needs of the people and to the aspirations of the people which need to be accommodated and then followed up through the issuance of policies or through the implementation of government work programs. This paper uses normative legal research conducted with a statutory and conceptual regulatory approach which will later assess the Indonesian General Election in the Pancasila.

This article was written to examine and analyze the impact of the role of the mass media on the potential problems of the disintegration of the Indonesian nation which have been quite widespread lately. This article was written on the basis that the mass media can play a dual role as a factor of integration and disintegration, amidst the growth of press freedom as a result of the growth of democracy and democratization in Indonesia. This research is qualitative research with library research as the main data collection technique. This study found that the potential of the mass media can play a role in strengthening integration in society but at the same time can be a factor in the occurrence of disintegration. This really depends on the tendency of the media itself, whether the media tends to be centrifugal or tends to be centripetal. If the media tends to be centrifugal, it will speed up the process of disintegration, likewise if the mass media tends to be centripetal then it can become an adhesive and strengthen national integration.

This study explores the paradox of democracy in Muslim-majority societies, particularly how democratic political systems influence the role of religion and the construction of religious identity. Employing a qualitative-descriptive approach through literature review and case studies in Indonesia and Turkey, this article finds that democracy opens participatory space for religious expression while simultaneously enabling the domination of majoritarian Islamic identity in the public sphere. This transformation leads to the fragmentation and commodification of religious identity, shifting it from a spiritual-transcendent value toward a symbolic-political function. In Indonesia, post-Reformasi democracy has fostered the expansion of conservative Islamic movements via electoral and social mobilization. In Turkey, democratization under the AKP regime has turned into religious populism that undermines secularism. The study concludes that democracy in Muslim-majority societies holds a paradoxical potential: it can serve as a medium for religious reform or become a tool for identity-based hegemony. Hence, strengthening institutions, political ethics, and reflective religious narratives is essential to make democracy a just and inclusive arena.

This research aims to explain how multiliteracy and community participation principles can be integrated into the assessment process to create a more inclusive learning space. Through a literature review approach, this article describes the conceptual framework and practical implications to be adopted in the context of induction education in higher education. The study's results, the first of which show that the multiliteracy approach opens up opportunities for learners to express their knowledge and understanding through various modalities. Second, community involvement in the assessment process through a community-based assessment model emphasizes the importance of the participation of multiple parties as partners in the observation and validation of learning outcomes. Third, the two can be integrated through participatory assessment strategies combining multiliteracy and democracy.  This research recommends that learners and stakeholders design and implement assessments that value diversity, participation, and creativity.

This study aims to analyze the representation of Pancasila values ​​in the painting Laskar Rakyat setting Siasat by Affandi. This painting is considered to have a strong philosophical meaning related to the struggle of the Indonesian people in maintaining independence. This study uses a qualitative method with a literature study approach (library research), where data is obtained from various written sources such as books, scientific journals, articles, and related documents. The data collection technique is carried out through the documentation method, while the data obtained is analyzed using content analysis techniques to identify symbols, colors, and visual elements that reflect the values ​​of Pancasila. The results of the study show that the painting Laskar Rakyat setting Siasat represents the five values ​​of Pancasila. The value of Belief in the One Almighty God is seen in the slogan "Once Independent, Always Independent" which reflects the belief that independence is a gift from God. The value of Just and Civilized Humanity is seen in the solidarity of the fighters without distinguishing backgrounds. The value of Indonesian Unity is realized through the togetherness of the fighters who develop a joint strategy. The value of Democracy Led by the Wisdom of Deliberation and Representation is depicted in the discussion scene among the fighters. Finally, the value of Social Justice for All Indonesian People is reflected through the painting of simple war equipment that shows the struggle of the common people in maintaining independence. This study confirms that works of art, especially Affandi's paintings, are able to be an effective medium in conveying moral messages, values ​​of friendship, and the spirit of struggle.

This study examines the level of political participation among the populace and highlights the importance of elections as a key component of a democratic system. Scholars widely acknowledge that involvement in electoral processes serves as a primary indicator of how well a country has embraced the principle of social equality within the international framework. The study employed a mixed-method approach, utilizing both qualitative and quantitative techniques. The quantitative instrument used was the Political Participation Attitude Scale (PPAS), while qualitative data were collected through the Focus Group Guide on Political Participation (FGGPP). The research posed and addressed three core research questions. The findings reveal that 57% of respondents did not actively participate in political activities. Gender was found to influence levels of engagement; 30% of male respondents and 13% of female respondents reported active involvement in political activities, while 38% of males and 12% of females consistently participated in voting. Furthermore, the survey indicated that a majority of respondents (53%) lacked trust in their political leaders. Based on these findings, the study recommends that Nigeria urgently adopt both formal and informal political education strategies to enhance civic awareness and participation. Additionally, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is encouraged to develop mechanisms that will ensure broader voter turnout in the upcoming 2015 general elections.

These tests assessed the electorate's degree of disinterest in voting. It investigated the reasons behind voters' indifference to voting. It also established the voting remedies disinterest from the viewpoints of the voters and, lastly, investigated how factors including socioeconomic position, political party affiliations, and educational attainment affected the voters' degree of voting apathy. The survey research design was used in the study. Using a purposive sampling technique, 350 electorates from seven faculties at Obafemi Awolowo University in Ile-Ife made up the sample size. Before being used, a tool called the Voting Apathy Questionnaire (VAQ) was created and verified. Three hypotheses were investigated and confirmed, and three research questions were posed and addressed. Among other things, the results indicated that 50.3% of voters were indifferent to voting. Additionally, the degree of voting indifference among the electorate was significantly influenced by educational levels (² = 161.969a, p < 0.05). Rational Choice Theory was selected as the theoretical underpinning, and the study used both survey research design and secondary sources of data collection as information gathering techniques. The results showed that low levels of education and illiteracy are associated with poor political and voter education, particularly when it comes to the fact that the majority of voters (roughly 50%) fail to pick up their permanent voter cards and are therefore unable to be accredited to vote; that Nigerian politics is another factor, as it is known as a bitter and acrimonious politics; and that because elected officials have failed to fulfill their campaign promises, the electorate has lost faith in the government and finds it difficult to participate in the electoral process.