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Constitutional Court Decision No. 135/PUU-XXII/2024, which separates the schedules for national elections (2029) and regional elections (2031), has the potential to create a legislative vacuum or institutional void in the Regional People’s Representative Councils (DPRD) during the 2029–2031 transition period. This is because the terms of office for DPRD members elected in the 2024 elections end in 2029, while the next elections will not be held until 2031, and there are currently no transitional provisions governing the mechanism for filling these vacancies. This study aims to analyze the legal implications of the decision regarding the potential for a DPRD vacancy and to evaluate the limits of the Constitutional Court’s authority in determining the design of synchronized elections. Using a normative legal research method with legislative, conceptual, and case-based approaches, this study identified three alternative mechanisms for filling DPRD vacancies: by-elections, term extensions, or amending the law with transitional provisions. The term extension option is deemed the most proportionate as it prioritizes legal certainty and legitimacy. This ruling has also sparked debate as it is viewed as exceeding the Constitutional Court’s authority as a negative legislator and entering the realm of open legal policy, although substantively it opens space for strengthening local democracy. The government and the House of Representatives are recommended to immediately revise the Election Law and the Regional Government Law by adding transitional provisions that explicitly regulate the mechanism for filling vacancies in the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD) during the 2029–2031 transition period in a careful and participatory manner.

This study aims to analyze the supervisory strategy of the Panwascam (Central Election Supervisory Agency) of Sinjai Borong District in handling election violations in the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Elections in Sinjai Regency. The study focuses on two main aspects, namely preventive strategies and repressive strategies. The research method uses a qualitative approach with case studies, through in-depth interviews, observation, documentation, and interactive data analysis. The results show that the Panwascam's preventive strategies include socialization of election regulations, political education, and strengthening coordination with village officials and community leaders. This strategy has been proven to increase regulatory understanding among lower-level election organizers and public political awareness, especially first-time voters. Meanwhile, the repressive strategy is implemented through violation handling mechanisms, preparing legal recommendations, and summoning perpetrators and witnesses. Based on field findings, the Panwascam successfully handled one case of violation of ASN neutrality that was recommended to the Regency Bawaslu. This study concludes that the supervision of the Sinjai Borong Panwascam is relatively effective, although it still faces limited resources, low public legal literacy, and strong local political patronage. The results of this study provide a conceptual contribution to strengthening the community-based electoral supervision model, which integrates regulatory, educational, and collaborative aspects. They also serve as practical recommendations for improving the quality of electoral democracy at the local level.

This study aims to answer two questions. First, why were there only single candidates in 37 regions in the 2024 simultaneous regional elections? Second, what are the risks of single candidates to democracy and the performance of political parties? The methods used are normative juridical methods with a legislative and conceptual approach. The research focuses on the phenomenon of single candidates in regional elections and its impact on democracy and the performance of political parties in Indonesia. The results of this study show that the phenomenon of single candidates in regional elections indicates weak local democracy and poor performance of political parties in carrying out their functions of regeneration and leadership recruitment. Elite domination, high political costs, and the strong influence of oligarchs make the nomination process non-competitive and reduce the space for alternative candidates. As a result, regional elections are only procedural without substance, widening the democratic deficit and opening space for local bossism and unhealthy power consolidation. If this condition continues, local democracy will move further away from the principles of openness, accountability, and fair competition.

The 2024 regional elections in Jambi City sparked internal conflict within the Golkar Party when the recommendations of the Regional Representative Council II did not align with the Central Executive Board's decision regarding the mayoral candidate. The tension was successfully resolved through the implementation of procedural leadership based on the party's statutes and regulations, as well as a tiered nomination mechanism. This study aims to understand the role of procedural leadership in restoring solidarity and maintaining organizational stability after a nomination conflict. Using a qualitative approach with case studies, the study collected data through in-depth interviews and documentation with informants selected through purposive and snowball sampling. Data analysis was conducted using the Miles & Huberman model through data reduction, presentation, and conclusion drawing. The results show that procedural mechanisms, the use of surveys, and the exemplary behavior of charismatic figures particularly the chair of the DPD IIplay an important role in alleviating cadre disappointment. This study confirms that procedural leadership is a key instrument in maintaining the solidarity of the Golkar Party and recommends strengthening internal communication and balancing surveys with regional aspirations.

This study examines the legal issues of single candidates in the 2024 Samarinda City Regional Elections, focusing on the reasons political parties support single candidates and their impact on the quality of democracy and public participation. The phenomenon of single candidates is viewed as a democratic anomaly because it weakens the essence of political competition. The study uses a non-doctrinal method with primary materials in the form of interviews and legislation, as well as secondary materials from articles and scientific literature. The research results indicate three main factors driving political parties' support for a sole candidate: (1) the high electability of the incumbent, which creates psychological effects and political pragmatism; (2) the nomination threshold provisions that limit the number of potential candidates; and (3) the alignment of party vision and mission with the candidate, making political coalitions easier to form. The implications of this phenomenon affect two aspects. First, the substance of democracy is reduced because the people's choices become limited. Second, public participation may decrease due to the lack of competition, which results in low voter enthusiasm. This study emphasizes the need for more inclusive regulations to ensure healthy local election competition and to support the strengthening of legal and political systems to ensure that the nomination process reflects fairness and the people's aspirations broadly.

This study aims to analyze the role of the Election Supervisory Board (BAWASLU) in the implementation of the 2024 Regional Head Election (Pilkada) in Serang Regency, with a particular focus on the mechanisms for resolving electoral disputes during the election process. It also seeks to identify the types of electoral disputes and evaluate the effectiveness of BAWASLU in carrying out its supervisory and quasi-judicial functions at the local level. This research adopts a descriptive qualitative approach using a case study method. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with key stakeholders, direct field observations, and documentation analysis of official reports and BAWASLU decisions. The data were analyzed using the Miles and Huberman interactive model, involving data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing. Data validity was ensured through triangulation and member checks. The findings reveal that BAWASLU Serang Regency plays a strategic role in safeguarding the integrity of the regional elections, yet it still faces challenges such as limited human resources, weak adjudication authority, and local political pressure. The disputes that occurred, including the case of the Repeat Voting (PSU), underscore the need for institutional reform. In conclusion, BAWASLU's role is crucial in electoral supervision and dispute resolution, but it requires strengthening in terms of regulations, institutional capacity, and public participation to ensure fair, democratic, and credible elections.

This research examines the design of simultaneous elections in Indonesia as its main research object, a crucial discourse spurred by the persistent inefficiencies of a separated election model that produced divided governments. The discourse is marked by the shifting jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court (MK). The primary problem addressed is the Court’s jurisprudential inconsistency, which creates significant legal uncertainty for election organizers and political actors. Therefore, the objective of this research is to critically analyze the evolution of the Court's rulings on this matter and their impact on its shifting role into a positive legislator. This study employs a normative-juridical method, focusing on the doctrinal analysis of primary legal materials, particularly the series of relevant Constitutional Court rulings. The analysis reveals an inconsistent jurisprudential journey, starting from an activist stance that imposed a five-ballot simultaneous model through Ruling 14/PUU-XI/2013, with the aim of strengthening the presidential system. Then, in response to the systemic chaos and humanitarian costs of the 2019 election, the Court retreated to an "open legal policy" doctrine in Ruling 55/PUU-XVII/2019, exhibiting judicial self-restraint by deferring the choice of an alternative model to the legislature. Finally, it abandoned this position in a final interventionist decision, Decicion 135/PUU-XXII/2024, which stipulated a specific model separating national and regional elections. The main finding confirms that this latest ruling positions the MK as a positive legislator, significantly overstepping its traditional judicial authority. It is concluded that although the final ruling substantively produces a more rational election design, its inconsistent formation process has fundamentally undermined the principles of legal certainty and the balance of powers, thereby creating a problematic precedent for the future of Indonesia's constitutional governance.

This study examines organizational communication within the General Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu) of Pasuruan Regency in handling violations during the 2024 Regional Elections (Pilkada). Using a qualitative case study approach, data were obtained through in-depth interviews, observation, and documentation involving Bawaslu members, technical staff, and the Integrated Law Enforcement Center (Gakkumdu). The results show that vertical and horizontal communication flows are generally effective in supporting internal coordination and violation handling, despite challenges such as limited human resources, high workloads, and inter-agency coordination gaps. To address these, Bawaslu strengthens internal meetings, leverages digital media, provides technical training, and enhances external collaboration and public outreach. The study concludes that effective organizational communication significantly improves election monitoring performance and offers insights for communication strategies in other supervisory bodies.To address these issues, Bawaslu has taken several proactive steps. These include strengthening internal meetings to improve coordination and decision-making, leveraging digital media for more efficient communication and reporting, providing technical training to staff to enhance their skills in violation detection and reporting, and fostering stronger collaboration with external agencies such as Gakkumdu for coordinated law enforcement. Additionally, Bawaslu has focused on improving public outreach through social media campaigns to increase awareness of the electoral process and violations. The study concludes that effective organizational communication significantly improves election monitoring performance and offers insights for communication strategies in other supervisory bodies. It recommends that other institutions facing similar challenges in managing complex, multi-agency processes adopt similar strategies to improve both internal and external communication for more efficient operations and outcomes.  

Voter education is an important instrument in realizing a quality and sustainable democracy. Through the process of voter education socialization, it is hoped that the public can understand in depth their rights and obligations in the implementation of elections, as well as encourage active and responsible participation in the democratic process. Citizen participation in democratic social life must be based on adequate knowledge, critical reflection, and awareness of the rights and responsibilities as voters. A good understanding of the effectiveness of voter education socialization can shape a critical, rational, and independent attitude in exercising the right to vote, thereby strengthening the foundations of a clean and integrity-based democracy. This community service was carried out in the Selogiri District, Wonogiri Regency, with the aim of providing political education to the public regarding the importance of participation in the 2024 simultaneous regional head elections. Through a Participatory Action Research (PAR) approach, the community was actively involved as subjects in the activity process, not just as objects receiving information. Community service activities are carried out by integrating outreach into various village events, aimed at attracting residents to attend, interact, and directly discuss local political issues and forms of participation in the regional elections. Through these activities, it is hoped that the community will have a more comprehensive understanding of the importance of their role in determining the direction of regional policy through the regional elections. This education is also expected to raise awareness to vote based on conscience, without intervention or negative influences such as money politics, which has been a major challenge in every election at both the central and regional levels.

The principle of popular sovereignty is a fundamental foundation of the Indonesian democratic system, as stated in Article 1, Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. Popular sovereignty emphasizes the importance of the people's right to choose and be chosen in general elections (Pemilu) and regional elections (Pilkada), which serve as the source of legitimacy for a legitimate government. This sovereignty should reflect democratic values that are just and equal. However, in practice, the implementation of popular sovereignty through elections is often tarnished by money politics, which threatens the integrity of democracy itself. This phenomenon indicates a profound distortion of democratic principles, where the election process is more driven by material interests than by political aspirations and ideologies. Money politics not only undermines the quality of elections but also diminishes public trust in the democratic process. This practice allows voters to sell their votes in exchange for money or goods, leading to electoral injustice. It transforms general elections and regional elections from an ideal democratic process into a contest reliant on financial resources, rather than on the quality of the leaders chosen. This article aims to analyze the contradiction between the constitutional ideal of popular sovereignty and the reality of money politics in the administration of general elections and regional elections. This study employs a normative juridical approach with qualitative analysis techniques to explore how current laws have guaranteed the implementation of popular sovereignty. The findings indicate that although the legal framework provides protection for the principle of popular sovereignty, weak law enforcement and the persistent transactional political culture hinder its substantial realization. As a solution, this article recommends several strategic steps, including strengthening regulations to limit money politics, reforming the party system to reduce the dominance of practical politics, and enhancing political education based on democratic values and integrity. With these measures, the principle of popular sovereignty can be more purely and consistently upheld, ultimately strengthening Indonesia’s democratic system to be fair and sustainable.

Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) are democratic processes conducted to elect Governors and Deputy Governors, Regents and Deputy Regents, as well as Mayors and Deputy Mayors. The General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) is the authorized institution responsible for overseeing the implementation of elections, including their various stages. Campaigning is an integral component of the election process, during which candidates utilize campaign props (Alat Peraga Kampanye/APK) to promote themselves to the public. In Lebak Regency, numerous violations have occurred regarding the installation of such props, underscoring the critical role of Bawaslu Lebak in ensuring compliance. This study aims to examine the authority exercised by Bawaslu Lebak Regency in supervising the installation of campaign props during the 2024 regional elections and to identify the challenges encountered. The research employs the theory of authority and the theory of supervision, using an empirical juridical approach and an analytical descriptive specification. Primary data supported by secondary data were obtained through interviews and document analysis. The findings indicate that Bawaslu Lebak Regency implements both preventive and repressive supervisory measures. Preventive efforts include issuing advisories, conducting public outreach, and inter-agency collaboration, while repressive actions involve processing reports and findings of violations, as well as dismantling noncompliant campaign materials. The agency faces several obstacles, including low awareness among candidates and campaign teams regarding legal compliance, limited personnel for enforcement activities, resistance from various stakeholders, and the environmental issue of accumulated campaign waste.

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui peran media sosial instagram dalam meningkatkan partisipasi remaja pada pilkada serta untuk mengetahui kendala, faktor pendukung, dan langkah-langkah dalam partisipasi politik generasi muda. Menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif, penelitian ini melibatkan wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi sebagai teknik pengumpulan data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa peran media sosial Instagram sangat penting dalam penyebaran informasi terkait pilkada. Selain itu, paslon pilkada juga berkolaborasi secara langsung dengan generasi muda untuk menyajikan konten Instagram yang kreatif dan menarik. Kata Kunci : Media Sosial Instagram, Partisipasi Remaja, Pemilihan Umum Kepala Daerah   ABSTRACT This study aims to determine the role of instagram social media in increasing youth participation in regional elections and to determine the obstacles, supporting factors, and steps in the political participation of the younger generation. Using qualitative descriptive methods, this study involved interviews, observations, and documentation as data collection techniques. The results of the study indicate that the role of Instagram social media is very important in disseminating information related to regional elections. In addition, regional election candidates also collaborate directly with the younger generation to present creative and interesting Instagram content. Keywords: Instagram Social Media, Youth Participation, Regional Head Elections

This study aims to determine whether or not the fifth Amendment of the 1945 Constitution as the written Constitution of the State of Indonesia which has become a mecca in formulating laws and regulations for more than the last twenty-five years is still able to meet the demands of the dynamics of the current administration or whether radical changes need to be made by changing the main mecca. Along with the current government and a few years ago. The executive and legislative parties even managed to form several legal products that were eventually criticized and rejected by the public. Therefore, it is necessary to limit the power in the field of legislation that must be given to the party whose authority it is. Based on the theory of limiting the President's power, he is the party that executes and implements the law. In Indonesia, the executive is involved in the process of forming legal products. Even the judiciary also acts as a legislator rather than a negative legislator. Efforts to maintain the position of independent commissions and emphasize regional elections so that we do not need to return to the old model. This research will discuss the ideas of change that should be urgent in the current Indonesian constitutional order, and be able to meet the needs of the future. The method used in this writing is Normative law. By conducting approaches to legislation, conceptual, historical approaches, comparisons and using qualitative analysis methods.

Political culture plays an important role in determining the dynamics of general elections, especially in the context of Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) in Indonesia. This research focuses on Ciwaringin Village in Ciwaringin District, Cirebon Regency, which shows low community political participation due to a parochial political culture. People in this village tend to be inactive in the election process, are influenced by the practice of money politics, and choose based on personal closeness and material lures, without understanding the vision and mission of potential leaders. This research uses a qualitative approach with literature study and interview methods to explore the factors that influence political participation, including social, economic, and educational aspects and the use of information media. Findings show that low political literacy and indifference to political issues result in apathy toward elections. Therefore, educational efforts and increasing political awareness are needed to encourage active community participation in the democratic process. It is hoped that this research can contribute to understanding political culture and community participation in Ciwaringin village and promote improvements in implementing the upcoming regional elections.

The highest sovereignty lies in the hands of the people and is carried out based on the Constitution". Likewise, Article 1 paragraph (3) which reads: "The State of Indonesia is a State of Law". Previously known as a state based on law (rechtsstaat). This concept is an elaboration of the Rule of Law concept, guided by the continental European legal system. From the perspective of understanding people's sovereignty, the highest sovereignty lies in the hands of the people. The highest power in the hands of the people is limited by the agreement that they themselves determine together which is stated in the rules of law which culminates in the formulation of the constitution as a product of the highest agreement of all the people. The democratic system as stated in Article 1 Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, that: "is marked by direct democracy by the people, from the people, and for the people". So the head of state who before the amendment was elected by the MPR RI has changed where he is elected directly by the people through the election of the president and vice president and even regional heads (regional elections). Government for the people means that the power given from and by the people to the government must be exercised for the benefit of the people.Therefore, there needs to be government sensitivity to the needs of the people and to the aspirations of the people which need to be accommodated and then followed up through the issuance of policies or through the implementation of government work programs. This paper uses normative legal research conducted with a statutory and conceptual regulatory approach which will later assess the Indonesian General Election in the Pancasila.

The purpose of this journal is to provide socialization and education to the people of Sumberejo Village about political violations and the role of society in organizing regional elections. Participatory supervision plays an important role in realizing democratic leaders. Community participation that takes part in this regional election can produce integrity, credibility of organizers, transparency of organizers and accountability of election results. The method used by students is to use the socialization method by inviting members of the KPU, the people of Sumberejo Village, the Sumberejo Village apparatus, the Sub-district Panwas, and the Sumberejo Village PPS. The communication tools used by students to deliver the material are using Powerpoint and Projectors. With this socialization, it is hoped that all elements of society and government can work together to carry out regional elections fairly and in a focused manner.

Supreme Court Decision Number 23 P/HUM/2024 which annuls PKPU No. 9 of 2020. Supreme Court Decision Number 23 P/HUM/2024 relates to changes in the minimum age requirements for regional head candidates. In the decision, the Supreme Court granted the lawsuit filed by the General Chairperson of the Garuda Party, Ahmad Ridha Sabana, who challenged Article 4 paragraph (1) letter d of PKPU No. 9 of 2020 concerning the Nomination of the Election of Governor, Deputy Governor, Regent, Deputy Regent, Mayor, and Deputy Mayor. The problem is, what are the legal consequences of the Supreme Court Decision Number 23 P/HUM/2024 which annuls PKPU No. 9 of 2020 concerning the fourth amendment to PKPU Number 3 of 2017 concerning the Nomination of the Election of Governor and Deputy Governor, Regent and Deputy Regent, and/or Mayor and Deputy Mayor? How are the Aspects of Benefit and Legal Certainty in the Supreme Court Decision Number 23 P/HUM/2024 regarding the Age Limit for Regional Head Candidates? Normative legal research method. In conclusion, the legal consequences of the Supreme Court Decision Number 23 P/HUM/2024 which revoked PKPU No. 9 of 2020 concerning the Fourth Amendment to PKPU Number 3 of 2017 concerning the Nomination of the Election of Governor and Deputy Governor, Regent and Deputy Regent, and/or Mayor and Deputy Mayor. This decision has various legal implications that not only change the regulatory framework for regional elections, but also raise two (2) problems from the decision, namely: (a) Impact on the hierarchy of laws and regulations; (b) Impact on the nomination process. The Aspects of Benefit and Legal Certainty in the Supreme Court Decision Number 23 P/HUM/2024 regarding the Age Limit for Regional Head Candidates reflect efforts to realize a balance between the aspects of benefit and legal certainty in the general election system in Indonesia. Overall, from the aspect of utility, this decision does not provide a substantive solution to the community's need for clear and inclusive regulations, especially regarding the participation of the younger generation. From the aspect of legal certainty, this decision actually creates a vacuum of norms, opens up opportunities for new disputes, and creates instability in the implementation of regional elections. Thus, although this decision is legally valid, its impact shows weaknesses in creating utility and legal certainty.

The involvement of church members in political life is a form of religious responsibility that must be rooted in Christian values. This community service activity was designed to enhance the political literacy of the GBIS Kristus Gembala Alastuwo Karanganyar congregation in preparation for the Simultaneous Regional Elections on November 27, 2024. Conducted over two sessions on November 3 and 10, 2024, the activity employed interactive discussions, lectures, and Biblical reflections that connect Christian values with political participation. Key themes included justice, honesty, servant leadership, and the rejection of money politics. The participants were also invited to reflect on the implementation of the regional elections held on December 8, 2024, as part of their learning process.The results show that the congregation's political awareness improved significantly. Members expressed a deeper understanding of the importance of electing trustworthy leaders who uphold integrity and public service. Furthermore, they demonstrated the courage to reject practices of money politics, indicating the internalization of Christian values in their civic decisions. By exploring democracy through the lens of faith, the congregation developed a more critical, wise, and responsible approach to voting. This initiative highlights the strategic role of the Church in shaping the political awareness of its members through ongoing political education grounded in Christian teachings. Continued efforts are essential to ensure that the congregation remains active in promoting moral leadership and societal transformation, beginning within the church community itself. Ultimately, churches can serve as centers for ethical political formation, equipping believers to contribute meaningfully to national development.

The problem of organizing regional elections has been apparent since the nomination stage where there are obstacles for each regional head, namely the regional head nomination threshold. The nomination threshold directly eliminates the constitutional and political rights of every citizen to actively participate in the regional head election process. This study uses normative legal research, namely preliminary research activities before delving further into in-concrito research. The research approach uses a statute approach and a case approach through the Constitutional Court decision Number 60/PUU-XXII/2024. The statute approach is carried out to trace the laws and regulations related to the research theme being studied. The results of the discussion obtained, namely the Constitutional Court's decision regarding changes to the regional head nomination threshold, are a good sign for the future of democracy. The people have almost lost trust recently in the democratization process with the behavior of political party elites in nominating regional heads who tend to lead to cartel politics. Of course, this decision needs to be welcomed and the Constitutional Court deserves appreciation because this decision was issued amidst the strengthening of cartel politics in the nomination of regional heads. The Constitutional Court's decision has changed the basis of the requirements that must be met by political parties or coalitions of political parties in registering regional head candidate pairs from obtaining seats or accumulation of valid voters to only obtaining valid voters by determining the percentage.

Simultaneous regional elections resulted in the vacancy of leaders in various cities, including the city of sukabumi, therefore the appointment of officials (Pj) to fill the vacancy of the position of regional head of the city mayor until the election of regional heads in the simultaneous regional elections in 2024. however, the appointment of PJ is problematic because it is not in line with the spirit of democracy. This research examines and analyzes related to the appointment of the PJ of the mayor of Sukabumi which is not in line with the principles of democracy, therefore the researcher raises the formulation of the problem among them. First, is the appointment of the acting mayor of Sukabumi in accordance with the principles of democracy? Second, whether the appointment of the acting mayor of the city of Sukabumi is in accordance with the Constitutional Court Decision Number 67/PUU-XIX/2021 and MKRI Decision Number 15/PUU- XX/2022. This research uses an analytical descriptive method with a normative juridical approach, in which data and information are analyzed normatively. The results showed that the appointment of the Pj mayor of Sukabumi did not involve the DPRD as a representation of the people of Sukabumi so that it can be said that it does not fulfill the principles of democracy and heed the Constitutional Court Decision Number 67/PUU-XIX/2021 and MKRI Decision Number 15/PUU- XX/2022 which mandates the making of implementing regulations to make PJ appointments without heeding the principles of democracy which are the spirit of the struggle of the Indonesian nation and the people of the city of Sukabumi.