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The phenomenon of Generation Z’s political electability in the 2024 Legislative Election reflects a shift in patterns of political representation at the local level. The success of Generation Z candidates in securing legislative seats in Jambi City has become a noteworthy phenomenon, particularly amid the dominance of politicians from older generations. This study aims to analyze the political personal branding strategies employed by Generation Z candidates in building their electability in the 2024 Legislative Election in Jambi City. The research adopts a qualitative approach, with data collected through interviews, documentation, and literature review. The analysis is based on Peter Montoya’s Personal Branding theory, which consists of specialization, Leadership, Personality, Distinctiveness, visibility, unity, persistence, and goodwill. The findings reveal that the electability of Generation Z candidates is influenced not only by their young age or social media presence but also by their ability to establish social closeness with the community, maintain consistency in political behavior, engage in intensive interpersonal communication, and actively participate in social and community activities. Personal branding strategies that are developed consistently and sustainably have proven effective in fostering public trust and strengthening political legitimacy at the local level. The study concludes that political personal branding is one of the key factors contributing to the electability of Generation Z candidates in the 2024 Legislative Election in Jambi City.

Discretion exercised by election management bodies constitutes an administrative instrument that is functionally necessary to prevent stagnation in electoral processes under conditions of legal vacuum, normative ambiguity, or extraordinary circumstances. However, in practice, discretionary decisions often generate public concern and expose election officials to the risk of criminalization, particularly when such discretion is assessed through a formalistic and result oriented criminal law paradigm. This study aims to analyze the construction of criminal liability of election administrators for the use of discretion in conditions of electoral stagnation, by examining the paradigm shift from the old Indonesian Criminal Code to the new Criminal Code and its implications for criminal law enforcement under the Criminal Procedure Code. This research employs a normative legal method using statutory, conceptual, and case approaches. The findings reveal that the old Criminal Code tended to facilitate policy criminalization by emphasizing formal violations and objective consequences, whereas the new Criminal Code introduces a substantive approach centered on subjective fault, official purpose, and rationality of action. Nevertheless, the lack of synchronization with the Criminal Procedure Code which remains focused on conventional evidentiary standards causes discretionary actions of election administrators to remain legally ambiguous. Therefore, harmonization between substantive criminal law and criminal procedure law, along with a transformation in law enforcement reasoning, is essential to ensure that discretion exercised by election officials is assessed proportionally, contextually, and in line with democratic principles.

General elections constitute a fundamental pillar of Indonesia’s democratic system, functioning as a mechanism for the exercise of popular sovereignty and the protection of citizens’ voting rights. During the 2024 Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD) election in Tarakan City, the Badan Pengawas Pemilu Kota Tarakan recorded twelve reports of alleged administrative violations throughout the electoral stages, including during the national vote recapitulation process. Of these reports, three allegations were proven, involving violations related to the Additional Voter List, the Special Voter List, and the eligibility requirements of candidates running for the Tarakan City DPRD in 2024. Essentially, election law enforcement serves as a safeguard to ensure fairness, legal certainty, and the protection of citizens’ constitutional right to vote. This study aims to examine the implementation of legal enforcement mechanisms against administrative violations in the 2024 Tarakan City DPRD election. A socio-legal research approach was employed to analyze both normative regulations and their practical application. Referring to Peraturan Bawaslu Nomor 8 Tahun 2022 concerning the Settlement of Administrative Violations of General Elections, the findings indicate that the Tarakan City Bawaslu holds authority in adjudicating and imposing sanctions on proven violations. As a result, one candidate, Erick Hendrawan Septian Putra, was disqualified from Electoral District 1. Furthermore, sanctions were imposed on the chairpersons and members of Polling Station 88 in Karang Anyar and Polling Station 2 in Pamusian for failing to carry out their duties as voting organizing groups in the election and subsequent processes.

This research is motivated by the phenomenon of Izhar Majid’s election, as he successfully maintained his position as a legislative member in Jambi Province and achieved a significant victory in his constituency despite intense political competition. His success is notable because he does not come from a political family, lacks elite family connections, and was still able to maintain his voter base after switching political parties. This condition raises questions about how he utilized political capital to gain public support. The study aims to analyze the forms, strategies, and utilization of political capital in winning political contests. Using political capital theory, this descriptive qualitative research collected primary data through interviews and secondary data from documentation, literature, and official election results. The findings show that his success was driven by the optimization of integrated political capital. Social capital was built through strong networks with community leaders and voter groups. Symbolic capital emerged from his positive image and reputation. Economic capital supported structured campaign activities. Combined with direct public engagement and targeted communication media, these factors significantly increased his visibility and electability.

In the Minangkabau social system, women hold a crucial position as owners of lineage and inherited property. However, in formal political practice, women's representation in legislative institutions remains relatively low. This study uses a qualitative approach, collecting data through interviews, documentation, and literature review. The results indicate that despite the affirmative action policy of a 30 percent quota for women in legislative candidacy, the representation of elected women remains limited. This is influenced by several factors, including patriarchal culture in local politics, limited political resources for women, and low political party support for female candidates. These findings suggest that the matrilineal system does not automatically result in equal political representation for women in legislative institutions. Therefore, strengthening women's political capacity and ensuring political party commitment to encouraging increased women's representation in legislative institutions is necessary. This study aims to analyze the low political representation of women in the West Pasaman Regency legislative institution in the 2024 General Election.

The enforcement of election criminal law plays a crucial role in safeguarding democratic integrity and upholding the principle of popular sovereignty. Law Number 7 of 2017 establishes the Integrated Law Enforcement Center (Sentra Gakkumdu) as a coordinated mechanism involving the Election Supervisory Body, the Police, and the Prosecution Service in addressing election crimes. However, in practice, the Gakkumdu system has not fully ensured a balanced realization of legal certainty, substantive justice, and legal utility. This study aims to analyze the problems of election criminal law enforcement within the Gakkumdu system, examine the relevance of the Restorative Justice approach in election law, and formulate a reconstruction of election criminal law enforcement based on this approach. This research employs normative legal research using statutory, conceptual, legal philosophy, and legal policy approaches. The findings indicate that the weaknesses in election criminal law enforcement arise from institutional fragmentation, normative ambiguity, and a legal culture dominated by legalistic and sectoral perspectives. The Restorative Justice approach is considered relevant as it prioritizes substantive justice and the restoration of democratic values. Therefore, reconstructing election criminal law enforcement based on Restorative Justice is essential to strengthening democratic legitimacy and public trust in elections in Indonesia.

This study aims to analyze the supervisory strategy of the Panwascam (Central Election Supervisory Agency) of Sinjai Borong District in handling election violations in the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Elections in Sinjai Regency. The study focuses on two main aspects, namely preventive strategies and repressive strategies. The research method uses a qualitative approach with case studies, through in-depth interviews, observation, documentation, and interactive data analysis. The results show that the Panwascam's preventive strategies include socialization of election regulations, political education, and strengthening coordination with village officials and community leaders. This strategy has been proven to increase regulatory understanding among lower-level election organizers and public political awareness, especially first-time voters. Meanwhile, the repressive strategy is implemented through violation handling mechanisms, preparing legal recommendations, and summoning perpetrators and witnesses. Based on field findings, the Panwascam successfully handled one case of violation of ASN neutrality that was recommended to the Regency Bawaslu. This study concludes that the supervision of the Sinjai Borong Panwascam is relatively effective, although it still faces limited resources, low public legal literacy, and strong local political patronage. The results of this study provide a conceptual contribution to strengthening the community-based electoral supervision model, which integrates regulatory, educational, and collaborative aspects. They also serve as practical recommendations for improving the quality of electoral democracy at the local level.

This research is entitled “Women’s Representation in Political (Analysis of the Low Number of Elected Female Legislative Members in the Sabu Raijua Regency DPRD in the 2024 Election).” The low representation of women in politics is a significant issue in various regions, including Sabu Raijua Regency. This study aims to analyse the low representation of women in politics and the factors that hinder women from becoming legislative members in the Sabu Raijua Regency DPRD in the 2024 elections using Gender Theory, which focuses on three derivatives of the theory, namely gender issues, gender ideas, and gender representation. The results of the study show that the obstacles faced by women are not only related to individual capabilities, but are also the result of social constructs influenced by gender issues, gender ideas, and gender representation. Women are often faced with domestic burdens, financial constraints, and a lack of training from political parties, which limits their political capacity. Patriarchal customs also reinforce the notion that men are more suitable for leadership, while women are seen as quota fillers. As a result, representation is more symbolic than substantial, as evidenced by the fact that only two women have won seats in the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRD), one of whom was through the PAW mechanism. Barriers include traditional norms, gender stereotypes, and social legitimacy; lack of support and strategy from political parties; and financial constraints and campaign capital.

The Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) distinguishes itself as the sole political party actively promoting its platform through mainstream media. Social media has become integral to political campaigns in Indonesia, with PSI leveraging these platforms more effectively than its contemporaries since its establishment in 2014. PSI sought to position politics as an engaging activity for diverse audiences and to reduce political apathy among young people. The research method used by the researcher was a qualitative descriptive-analytical approach, utilizing the theory of Harold D. Laswell's concepts of new media and political communication (propaganda). Thus, the results of the research that has been conducted, it can be concluded that, (1) PSI is able to establish itself as a party that is closely related to young people and digital; (2) Instagram is PSI's main platform that focuses on attracting the sympathy of young people, becoming the most effective platform in conveying political messages visually and audio-visually, (3) In the elections for the Indonesian House of Representatives and the Jakarta Province DPR D, PSI obtained an increase in votes compared to the 2019 Election, (4) PSI's political communication has characteristics that prioritize party communication with a youthful style and the capacity of figures.

This research examines money politics as a root problem in Indonesia’s democratic system, focusing on the 2019 and 2024 general elections. Money politics refers to the practice of distributing cash or goods by candidates, campaign teams, or volunteers to influence voters’ political choices. This study employs a qualitative method with a literature study approach to analyze several cases that occurred across different regions in Indonesia. The findings reveal that money politics was widespread during both elections, with the main modus operandi involving the distribution of cash, basic goods, and facilities. This practice not only violates the principles of free and fair elections but also undermines citizens’ dignity, weakens popular sovereignty, and serves as a major driver of political corruption. Contributing factors include power ambition, vulnerable economic conditions, low political education, weak oversight, and entrenched transactional political culture. To address this issue, the research highlights the importance of political party reform and strengthening democratic education, particularly through civic education programs. These efforts aim to increase political awareness among citizens and improve the overall quality of Indonesia’s democracy.

Political participation is an important aspect in a democratic state structure, as well as a characteristic feature of political modernization. Political participation influences the legitimacy of society regarding the running of a government. One way of implementing political participation is through General Elections (Pemilu). The aim of this research is to determine the influence of presidential candidate debate broadcasts on multi-platform broadcast media on the political participation of FISIP UMJ student class of 2020. This research has an independent variable, namely presidential candidate debate broadcasts with the dimensions of frequency, attention and duration, and has a dependent variable, namely providing voting rights in elections, lobbying with officials, becoming a member of a political party. This research method uses a survey method by distributing questionnaires online to respondents via Google Form which aims to collect data from a sample of 2020 FISIP UMJ students who actively watch presidential candidate debates and know about political participation, with a total of 66 respondents selected. The data collection tool uses a questionnaire using a Likert Scale. The results of this research show that the presidential debate broadcast has an influence on political participation, which has a value of 0.736 or 73.6%, which means that the presidential debate broadcast influences political participation by 73.6% and the rest is influenced by other factors.

This study analyzes how strategi politik identitas is systematically used by K.H. Rifa’i, S.H. in winning the 2024 Provincial DPRD Election of Jambi in the Bungo–Tebo Electoral District. The main issue of this research stems from the strong influence of identitas keagamaan in the political behavior of Jambi’s majority Muslim society, making religious figures occupy a strategic position in electoral contests. This study aims to explain the process of mobilizing identitas keagamaan, utilizing social networks based on pesantren, and constructing a religious image as political capital that contributes to electoral victory. The analysis integrates the concepts of politik identitas and voter behavior as a foundation to understand how collective identity and psychological perceptions of society work in determining political preferences. This study employs a qualitative approach with a case study method, using interviews, observation, and document analysis as the main data collection techniques. The results show that identitas keagamaan, jaringan pesantren, relationships with local religious groups, and the use of religious symbols become determining factors that shape emotional closeness and political trust among the community. This strategy enabled K.H. Rifa’i to obtain the highest votes and outperform the incumbent candidate. The contribution of this research lies in a comprehensive mapping of how politik identitas operates within a local religious political context, and how this strategy can alter electoral configurations and political support patterns at the regional level.

Sistem pengelolaan data pemilih yang andal sangat krusial bagi kredibilitas pemilu. Komisi Pemilihan Umum Provinsi Jawa Timur menggunakan Sidalih sebagai platform utama untuk pemutakhiran dan pengelolaan data pemilih. Penelitian ini mengevaluasi tata kelola operasional Sidalih menggunakan framework COBIT 5 pada domain DSS (DSS01, DSS02, DSS05). Penelitian bersifat kualitatif deskriptif dengan wawancara mendalam kepada satu orang operator Sidalih KPU Provinsi Jawa Timur dan analisis dokumen operasional yang dikumpulkan pada periode Maret–Mei 2025. Data dipetakan ke indikator COBIT 5 dan diberi skor capability 0–5 berdasarkan analisis naratif untuk kemudian dihitung level kapabilitas dan gap terhadap tingkat target (level 3). Hasil menunjukkan kelemahan pada dokumentasi proses, pencatatan insiden, dan audit keamanan berkala. Rekomendasi prioritas meliputi penyusunan SOP operasional, implementasi sistem tiket insiden, pelaksanaan audit keamanan berkala, serta peningkatan pelatihan pengguna. Studi ini menyajikan model penilaian yang dapat dijadikan acuan bagi KPU untuk meningkatkan tata kelola operasional Sidalih. 

Pemilihan umum daerah merupakan salah satu instrumen utama dalam mewujudkan prinsip kedaulatan rakyat di tingkat lokal. Tetapi, dinamika ketatanegaraan pasca reformasi menunjukkan bahwa sistem dan norma hukum pemilu sering kali mengalami perubahan signifikan akibat Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Putusan-putusan tersebut tidak hanya mengoreksi ketentuan undang-undang, tetapi juga mengubah struktur dasar penyelenggaraan pemilu, termasuk sistem proporsional terbuka, ambang batas parlemen, hingga teknis penghitungan suara. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis implikasi yuridis putusan MK terhadap hukum pemilu daerah dan merumuskan model rekonstruksi hukum yang sesuai dengan prinsip kepastian, keadilan, dan demokrasi. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan sejarah. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa akibat hukum dari putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 135/PUU-XXII/2024 adalah terjadinya kekosongan jabatan DPRD dan Kepala Daerah selama masa transisi antara tahun 2029 hingga 2031, yang menuntut adanya solusi hukum yang jelas dan konstitusional. Untuk mengatasi kekosongan tersebut, diperlukan rekonstruksi hukum melalui tiga opsi alternatif, yaitu: perpanjangan masa jabatan secara terbatas, penunjukan Penjabat Kepala Daerah, atau pelaksanaan pemilu antara untuk masa jabatan transisi selama 2,5 tahun.

The principle of popular sovereignty is a fundamental foundation of the Indonesian democratic system, as stated in Article 1, Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. Popular sovereignty emphasizes the importance of the people's right to choose and be chosen in general elections (Pemilu) and regional elections (Pilkada), which serve as the source of legitimacy for a legitimate government. This sovereignty should reflect democratic values that are just and equal. However, in practice, the implementation of popular sovereignty through elections is often tarnished by money politics, which threatens the integrity of democracy itself. This phenomenon indicates a profound distortion of democratic principles, where the election process is more driven by material interests than by political aspirations and ideologies. Money politics not only undermines the quality of elections but also diminishes public trust in the democratic process. This practice allows voters to sell their votes in exchange for money or goods, leading to electoral injustice. It transforms general elections and regional elections from an ideal democratic process into a contest reliant on financial resources, rather than on the quality of the leaders chosen. This article aims to analyze the contradiction between the constitutional ideal of popular sovereignty and the reality of money politics in the administration of general elections and regional elections. This study employs a normative juridical approach with qualitative analysis techniques to explore how current laws have guaranteed the implementation of popular sovereignty. The findings indicate that although the legal framework provides protection for the principle of popular sovereignty, weak law enforcement and the persistent transactional political culture hinder its substantial realization. As a solution, this article recommends several strategic steps, including strengthening regulations to limit money politics, reforming the party system to reduce the dominance of practical politics, and enhancing political education based on democratic values and integrity. With these measures, the principle of popular sovereignty can be more purely and consistently upheld, ultimately strengthening Indonesia’s democratic system to be fair and sustainable.

This study aims to analyze the role of social media as a strategic force in the campaign of legislative candidates from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) in the 2024 General Election. Amidst increasing internet penetration and social media usage in Indonesia, especially among the younger generation, social media has become a primary means of political communication. In this context, social media functions not only as a tool for disseminating information, but also as an interactive medium capable of shaping public perception, building political image, and significantly expanding campaign reach. This study uses a qualitative approach through literature review and content analysis of the social media accounts of several PDI Perjuangan legislative candidates, such as Ir. Bambang Wuryanto, Bagus Suryokusumo, and Muhammad Iqbal Adila. The results of the study indicate that strategic use of social media can increase political exposure and emotional closeness with constituents. Authentic, consistent content that emphasizes relevant political values has proven effective in attracting voter attention and building community engagement. Social media also allows legislative candidates to respond to current issues quickly and personally, and mobilize support more efficiently than conventional campaign methods. Thus, the findings of this study confirm that social media plays a very important role in modern political campaign strategies, and is one of the determining factors for success in legislative contests in the digital era.

Tahapan seleksi anggota Panitia Pengawas Pemilu Kecamatan (Panwascam) memiliki peran penting dalam menjamin kualitas pengawasan pemilu di tingkat lokal. Penelitian ini memanfaatkan metode Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) dalam Sistem Pendukung Keputusan (SPK) untuk menyusun proses seleksi yang objektif dan bebas dari konflik kepentingan. AHP digunakan karena kemampuannya dalam merancang hierarki keputusan, menentukan bobot kriteria dan subkriteria, serta memastikan konsistensi hasil. Data diperoleh melalui wawancara dengan Bawaslu Kabupaten Brebes yang mengidentifikasi lima kriteria utama: integritas, kompetensi, pengalaman, kesehatan, dan netralitas politik, masing-masing terdiri dari tiga subkriteria. Penilaian terhadap kandidat menghasilkan calon A1 sebagai pilihan utama dengan bobot 0,41, disusul A2 dan A3. Analisis konsistensi menunjukkan nilai CR < 0,1, yang menandakan hasilnya valid dan dapat dipertanggungjawabkan. Hasil ini menunjukkan bahwa metode AHP dapat diandalkan dalam mendukung seleksi Panwascam secara transparan dan sistematis

This study analyzes the winning strategy of Simprosa Rianasari Gandut in the 2024-2029 Legislative Election in Manggarai Regency Dapil 4. Although Simprosa Rianasari Gandut is a newcomer to political contestation, she managed to get the most votes and beat the incumbent from the same party. The study employs a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis, emphasizing interviews, literature review, and direct observation of Simprosa Rianasari Gandut’s political activities. This research uses a qualitative method with a descriptive approach to explore the strategies applied, including push marketing (direct and face-to-face campaigns with the public), pull marketing (utilization of print and social media to build a political image), and pass marketing (involving traditional leaders and social networks to strengthen support). In addition, this research also identifies the supporting and inhibiting factors for its success, such as the support of family, success teams, political parties, as well as the challenges of patriarchal culture. The results show that a direct communication-based approach, active involvement in the community, and an effective political marketing strategy were key to Simprosa Rianasari Gandut’s victory. These findings provide insights into the dynamics of electoral politics, especially for female legislative candidates who want to compete in a political system that is still dominated by men.

This thesis is entitled "Political Culture of Millennial Voters in the 2024 Election (Case Study of Oebobo District, Liliba Village). The problem studied is how the type of political culture of millennials in the 2024 general election in Liliba Village. The purpose of this study is to determine the type of political culture of millennials in the 2024 general election in Liliba Village. This study uses the theory of political culture from Almond and Verba. The approach in this study is quantitative with a survey method. The sampling technique used is the cluster sampling technique, namely the regional sampling technique. The total sample in this study was 99 people. The method used was through the distribution of questionnaires to millennials in Liliba Village. Based on the results of this study, it can be seen that the results of the study indicate that the political culture used in the general election followed by millennial voters, namely the political culture of Participants, has an influence on the orientation of political culture on the political culture of millennial voters in the simultaneous general election for the period 2024-2029.

Political advertising is one of the efforts to "market" themselves and political messages from candidates for power. As a candidate, Budi Rustandi (Budi) carries out propaganda by advertising with the aim of gaining power in Serang City in collaboration with Nur Agis Aulia (Agis). The purpose of the study in this article is to explain how the political advertisements of the Budi Agis pair that were broadcast in the mass media in Banten during the 2024 Serang Mayor and Deputy Mayor election succeeded in becoming a reliable strategy in achieving the goal of winning and being elected as Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Serang for the 2024-2029 period. This study uses a descriptive-qualitative method, focusing research on the mass media advertisements of the Budi Agis pair accompanied by analysis using the concept of political communication. The results show that the political advertisements distributed by Budi-Agis have succeeded in forming a positive image. With political advertisements, they raise public awareness of their existence in the world of politics. In addition, Budi Agis' political advertisement also aims to strengthen the loyalty of members and sympathizers of the Gerindra Party and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) towards them while inviting non-party communities to vote for them.