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This research examines money politics as a root problem in Indonesia’s democratic system, focusing on the 2019 and 2024 general elections. Money politics refers to the practice of distributing cash or goods by candidates, campaign teams, or volunteers to influence voters’ political choices. This study employs a qualitative method with a literature study approach to analyze several cases that occurred across different regions in Indonesia. The findings reveal that money politics was widespread during both elections, with the main modus operandi involving the distribution of cash, basic goods, and facilities. This practice not only violates the principles of free and fair elections but also undermines citizens’ dignity, weakens popular sovereignty, and serves as a major driver of political corruption. Contributing factors include power ambition, vulnerable economic conditions, low political education, weak oversight, and entrenched transactional political culture. To address this issue, the research highlights the importance of political party reform and strengthening democratic education, particularly through civic education programs. These efforts aim to increase political awareness among citizens and improve the overall quality of Indonesia’s democracy.

Pancasila, as the foundational ideology of Indonesia, plays a fundamental role in shaping a democratic system and ensuring the protection of human rights based on justice. From Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s perspective, Pancasila is not merely a normative ideology but serves as a political and legal paradigm that integrates the values of divinity, humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice into the practice of governance. According to Yusril, Indonesian democracy cannot be equated with Western liberalism, which emphasizes individual freedom; rather, it is a constitutional democracy grounded in the moral and spiritual foundations of Pancasila. The values of Pancasila position human rights in a balanced relationship between rights and responsibilities, as well as between individual and collective interests of the nation. Thus, democracy and human rights, in Yusril’s view, are integralistic—citizens’ freedoms are directed toward realizing social j  ustice and order in national life. This article aims to examine Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s thoughts on the relationship between Pancasila, democracy, and human rights, and their relevance within the context of Indonesia’s contemporary constitutional system.

Pancasila, as the foundational ideology of Indonesia, plays a fundamental role in shaping a democratic system and ensuring the protection of human rights based on justice. From Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s perspective, Pancasila is not merely a normative ideology but serves as a political and legal paradigm that integrates the values of divinity, humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice into the practice of governance. According to Yusril, Indonesian democracy cannot be equated with Western liberalism, which emphasizes individual freedom; rather, it is a constitutional democracy grounded in the moral and spiritual foundations of Pancasila. The values of Pancasila position human rights in a balanced relationship between rights and responsibilities, as well as between individual and collective interests of the nation. Thus, democracy and human rights, in Yusril’s view, are integralistic—citizens’ freedoms are directed toward realizing social j  ustice and order in national life. This article aims to examine Yusril Ihza Mahendra’s thoughts on the relationship between Pancasila, democracy, and human rights, and their relevance within the context of Indonesia’s contemporary constitutional system.

Government representatives are members of legislative institutions elected by the people to represent their interests and aspirations in the policy-making and decision-making processes of government. People's representatives have a moral and ethical responsibility in carrying out their duties as representatives of the public's interests. The early history of the formation of people's representatives dates back to the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence (PPKI), which also appointed the first president and vice president in Indonesia. People's representatives are a key pillar in the democratic system, serving as a channel for the people's aspirations. In carrying out their duties, they are required to uphold ethical values, integrity, and morality. However, various cases of ethical violations involving members of the House of Representatives (DPR) have triggered an increasingly critical public response, especially in the digital era that enables information transparency. This study aims to analyze how ethical violations by people's representatives affect public perception and how social media strengthens the public's critical power. This research method is qualitative-descriptive with a case study approach. The results show that public response to ethical violations has increased sharply through digital platforms, which has a direct impact on public trust and the legitimacy of legislative institutions. Social media has become a primary medium for expressing disappointment and moral pressure on people's representatives. In addition, social media has also changed the way organizations and individuals interact. The speed of information dissemination magnifies the social impact of every action by members of the House of Representatives. Ethics reform and a stricter oversight system are needed to maintain the integrity of representatives. This research concludes that the ethics of representatives are crucial for maintaining public trust. It is crucial for representatives to uphold a code of ethics to ensure integrity, which will lead to a positive public response and trust in the government.

The democratic system implemented in Indonesia is realized through general elections, which are held every five years as a manifestation of people’s sovereignty. Elections provide an arena for political contestation where political parties compete to gain votes and legislative seats, including the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa/PKB). In the 2019 general election, PKB in Tanjungpinang City obtained 5,188 votes or 4.67%, securing two parliamentary seats. By contrast, in the 2024 general election, its vote share increased significantly to 9,765 votes or 7.94%, allowing the party to gain three seats. This increase indicates that the political strategies applied by PKB in Tanjungpinang had a substantial impact and are worth analyzing, as they succeeded in attracting voter support and expanding parliamentary representation. The purpose of this study is to identify and analyze the strategies used by the National Awakening Party in the 2024–2029 Tanjungpinang City Legislative Election. This research also explores strategic approaches not only at the party level but also by individual legislative candidates, who applied their own methods to secure voter trust. The study adopts Peter Schroder’s (2010) theoretical framework on political strategy, which includes situation analysis, strategy control, strategy formulation, strategy implementation, and strategy evaluation. This framework is employed to examine how PKB designed, executed, and assessed its strategic efforts during the electoral process. The findings demonstrate that PKB’s success was not merely due to party-level strategies but also the result of synergy between collective organizational moves and personalized campaign tactics by candidates. These strategies involved effective grassroots engagement, optimized use of political networks, and adaptation to the socio-political context of Tanjungpinang. The implications of this research suggest that comprehensive and adaptive political strategies are essential for increasing electoral gains, and that combining party-driven initiatives with candidate-level innovations can enhance both vote acquisition and seat attainment in legislative elections.

The principle of popular sovereignty is a fundamental foundation of the Indonesian democratic system, as stated in Article 1, Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. Popular sovereignty emphasizes the importance of the people's right to choose and be chosen in general elections (Pemilu) and regional elections (Pilkada), which serve as the source of legitimacy for a legitimate government. This sovereignty should reflect democratic values that are just and equal. However, in practice, the implementation of popular sovereignty through elections is often tarnished by money politics, which threatens the integrity of democracy itself. This phenomenon indicates a profound distortion of democratic principles, where the election process is more driven by material interests than by political aspirations and ideologies. Money politics not only undermines the quality of elections but also diminishes public trust in the democratic process. This practice allows voters to sell their votes in exchange for money or goods, leading to electoral injustice. It transforms general elections and regional elections from an ideal democratic process into a contest reliant on financial resources, rather than on the quality of the leaders chosen. This article aims to analyze the contradiction between the constitutional ideal of popular sovereignty and the reality of money politics in the administration of general elections and regional elections. This study employs a normative juridical approach with qualitative analysis techniques to explore how current laws have guaranteed the implementation of popular sovereignty. The findings indicate that although the legal framework provides protection for the principle of popular sovereignty, weak law enforcement and the persistent transactional political culture hinder its substantial realization. As a solution, this article recommends several strategic steps, including strengthening regulations to limit money politics, reforming the party system to reduce the dominance of practical politics, and enhancing political education based on democratic values and integrity. With these measures, the principle of popular sovereignty can be more purely and consistently upheld, ultimately strengthening Indonesia’s democratic system to be fair and sustainable.

This study explores the role and relevance of Islamic political economy within the context of Indonesia's economic system, particularly in addressing wealth distribution inequality and the fulfillment of basic societal needs. The study employs a qualitative approach with descriptive-analytical methods to examine the relationship between Islamic economic principles such as justice, balance, and social responsibility and national economic policies. The findings reveal a philosophical alignment between Islamic economic values and Indonesia’s foundational principles, especially Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution. However, the implementation of these principles remains limited, often confined to microeconomic aspects like Islamic financial institutions. Islamic political parties play a significant role in advocating for sharia-compliant economic policies but face challenges in reconciling Islamic values with a pluralistic democratic system. The study highlights the need for broader public education, strong political commitment, and digital innovation to fully realize the potential of Islamic economics in building a just, inclusive, and sustainable national economy.

This study investigates how Islamic da’wah can serve as a strategic instrument in strengthening civic engagement within democratic societies. Civic engagement is the active participation of citizens in public life, including policy-making, government oversight, and involvement in solving social problems. It is a crucial element in maintaining a fair and participatory democratic system. In the context of Muslim communities, Islamic da’wah not only aims to convey religious teachings but also seeks to instill universal values such as justice, equality, consultation (shura), empathy, and social responsibility—principles that form the foundation of democratic life. This research uses a descriptive qualitative method with a library research approach. Data were gathered from secondary sources such as books, academic journals, and relevant articles related to Islamic da’wah, civic engagement, and democracy. This method was chosen to allow for a comprehensive and systematic analysis of the social function of da’wah without conducting field observations or direct interviews. The results of this study show that Islamic da’wah, when practiced contextually and inclusively, can build critical social awareness, encourage public participation, and strengthen constructive social dialogue. Digital da’wah, Islamic value-based social campaigns, and the proactive role of preachers as agents of change become key elements in bridging Islamic teachings with democratic values. Furthermore, participatory da’wah empowers marginalized groups to become more involved in public discourse. Therefore, Islamic da’wah emerges not only as a spiritual medium but also as a cultural force that supports the development of a just, democratic, and civilized civil society.

Opposition is an important element in a democratic system that functions as a mechanism of control over power. In the context of Indonesian constitutionality, the existence of the opposition is a prerequisite for the realization of a healthy and effective democracy. However, in practice, the term opposition is often equated with the principle of checks and balances, thus causing a blur of meaning between the two. This paper aims to examine the paradigm of the opposition in the Pancasila democratic system and analyze the relationship between the opposition and the principle of checks and balances in the Indonesian constitutional system. This research uses a qualitative method with a normative juridical approach, through a conceptual approach and a legislative approach. An analysis was carried out on the doctrines of constitutional law and provisions in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia related to the implementation of opposition and the principle of checks and balances. This approach was chosen to explore legal issues in depth and find a comprehensive understanding of the role of the opposition in the Indonesian constitutional system. The results of the study show that even though Indonesia does not adhere to a parliamentary or presidential system with two parties, the implementation of the opposition is still relevant and carried out with attention to the values of consensus in Pancasila democracy. The opposition in Indonesia is not confrontational, but constructive and oriented towards strengthening the system of supervision of power. Opposition and the principle of checks and balances are two concepts that are terminologically different, but interrelated and inseparable in Indonesian constitutional practice. Both serve as important instruments in maintaining the balance of power and ensuring accountability in the administration of government. Thus, a proper understanding of the opposition paradigm and the principle of checks and balances is the key to strengthening constitutional democracy in Indonesia.

The highest sovereignty lies in the hands of the people and is carried out based on the Constitution". Likewise, Article 1 paragraph (3) which reads: "The State of Indonesia is a State of Law". Previously known as a state based on law (rechtsstaat). This concept is an elaboration of the Rule of Law concept, guided by the continental European legal system. From the perspective of understanding people's sovereignty, the highest sovereignty lies in the hands of the people. The highest power in the hands of the people is limited by the agreement that they themselves determine together which is stated in the rules of law which culminates in the formulation of the constitution as a product of the highest agreement of all the people. The democratic system as stated in Article 1 Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, that: "is marked by direct democracy by the people, from the people, and for the people". So the head of state who before the amendment was elected by the MPR RI has changed where he is elected directly by the people through the election of the president and vice president and even regional heads (regional elections). Government for the people means that the power given from and by the people to the government must be exercised for the benefit of the people.Therefore, there needs to be government sensitivity to the needs of the people and to the aspirations of the people which need to be accommodated and then followed up through the issuance of policies or through the implementation of government work programs. This paper uses normative legal research conducted with a statutory and conceptual regulatory approach which will later assess the Indonesian General Election in the Pancasila.

This study examines the level of political participation among the populace and highlights the importance of elections as a key component of a democratic system. Scholars widely acknowledge that involvement in electoral processes serves as a primary indicator of how well a country has embraced the principle of social equality within the international framework. The study employed a mixed-method approach, utilizing both qualitative and quantitative techniques. The quantitative instrument used was the Political Participation Attitude Scale (PPAS), while qualitative data were collected through the Focus Group Guide on Political Participation (FGGPP). The research posed and addressed three core research questions. The findings reveal that 57% of respondents did not actively participate in political activities. Gender was found to influence levels of engagement; 30% of male respondents and 13% of female respondents reported active involvement in political activities, while 38% of males and 12% of females consistently participated in voting. Furthermore, the survey indicated that a majority of respondents (53%) lacked trust in their political leaders. Based on these findings, the study recommends that Nigeria urgently adopt both formal and informal political education strategies to enhance civic awareness and participation. Additionally, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is encouraged to develop mechanisms that will ensure broader voter turnout in the upcoming 2015 general elections.

Freedom of the press is a fundamental part of a democratic system, including in Indonesia. However, in a society that is predominantly Muslim, there are challenges in balancing freedom of the press with Islamic values. One form of Islamic influence on the world of journalism in Indonesia is the fatwa of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) on Islamic journalism. This study aims to analyze how the fatwa regulates journalistic practices, the extent of its influence on press freedom, and the challenges that arise in its implementation. This study uses a qualitative approach with a document analysis method, including a study of the MUI fatwa, press regulations in Indonesia, and related literature. The results of the study show that the MUI fatwa emphasizes the principles of honesty, moral responsibility, and compliance with Islamic teachings in journalistic practice. This fatwa encourages Muslim journalists to present news that is not only accurate but also in accordance with religious norms. Although it does not have binding legal force, this fatwa still has a major influence, especially for Islamic-based media and Muslim journalists. However, this study also found the potential for conflict between the principle of press freedom which prioritizes independence and the principle of Islamic journalism which demands limitations according to religious norms. Therefore, dialogue is needed between stakeholders, such as the MUI, the press, and the government, in order to find a balance between press freedom and Islamic values ​​in journalistic practices in Indonesia.

This study aims to discuss the implementation of a democratic system within the presidential institution using a literature study approach. The findings and discussions in this research explain an event analyzed by the researcher based on previous literature studies that have been examined by earlier scholars. The results of this study indicate that Indonesia, as a constitutional state, implements a clear division of power among state institutions to ensure stability in governance. This principle of the rule of law is not only applied in Indonesia but is also a widely accepted concept in many countries worldwide. The establishment of state institutions is based on legitimate authority as stipulated by law, with the President holding a strategic role as the head of state, as regulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. This study concludes that to maintain a democratic system of governance, a well-structured administrative framework is necessary, emphasizing government accountability. This ensures that every policy and action taken is always based on legal principles and carried out transparently and responsibly.

The study looked into how Nigeria's democratic system's economic growth was impacted by the cost of governance. The cost of governance factors is divided into general GDP was the dependent variable and a stand-in for economic growth, while administration, defense, internal security, and national assembly were the explanatory variables. The study examined Nigeria's fourth republic's civil rule from 2019 to 2024. Ordinary Least Square regression and diagnostic tests were performed. The findings indicate that while internal security (-106.17 ISEC) has a negative impact on GDP, general administration (8.67 GA), defense (169.99 DEF), and national assembly (496.50 NAS) have favorable effects. According to the hypotheses' summary, (1) the federal government's expenditure on general administrations has no discernible positive impact on Nigeria's economic growth; (2) the federal government's expenditure on defense has a discernible positive impact on Nigeria's economic growth; and (3) the federal government's expenditure on internal Nigeria's economic growth is significantly impacted negatively by security, whereas the country's economic growth is significantly impacted positively by the federal government's national assembly costs. The research suggested, among other things, that the funds allocated to internal security be examined and that cost-benefit studies be performed on the parastatals that receive the funds.

The Regional Head Election (Pilkada) in Indonesia serves as a means of popular sovereignty for electing Governors and Deputy Governors, Regents and Deputy Regents, as well as Mayors and Deputy Mayors. This is a consequence of being a country that adheres to a democratic system. In every election period, Pilkada always faces various challenges, including changing regulations, implementation issues, and oversight mechanisms. One inevitable issue is election violations. The Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) of Karawang, as part of the election organizing body, is responsible for overseeing the implementation of Pilkada in Karawang Regency.One of its programs involves conducting participatory supervision socialization across 30 districts in Karawang Regency. This participatory supervision aims to encourage the public to actively and voluntarily engage in monitoring efforts to ensure an honest and fair Pilkada with integrity.

The existence of political parties in a country that adheres to a democratic system is a necessity and the inevitability of their existence. Because with the existence of political parties, democracy will run according to the reel that it should run, starting from the freedom to gather and associate as regulated in the constitution to the implementation of general elections for President and Vice President, Legislative and regional head elections indicating that democracy in a country is at least whether or not it can be said to be going well. In Indonesia itself, the existence of political parties can be said to be multi-party because there are more than two parties, as in several other democratic countries where there are only two parties. Although in general, if we look at their ideology, political parties in Indonesia can be grouped into just two, namely parties that are religiously oriented (religious) and parties that are nationalist (state) oriented. In the research results, it is stated that multi-party parties do not always work well and are relevant, so there needs to be simplification in the future so that people are not confused by many parties.