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The implementation of local democracy in Indonesia faces challenges when the electoral and procedural mechanisms regulated in modern village administration are not fully in line with the socio-cultural traditions of indigenous communities. Many villages still strongly uphold the values, norms, and authority of traditional institutions that have historically regulated communal life, including in terms of leadership legitimacy. Tension between formal democracy and customary values arises when the village political process is perceived as not reflecting the cultural identity of the community. This situation creates a need to understand how the integration of customary institutions can strengthen the legitimacy of village leaders in the local democratic system. This study uses a literature review method with a content analysis approach because the study focuses on the concept of the role of customary institutions in strengthening local democracy and the legitimacy of village leadership. This method allows researchers to explore theories and compare previous findings to form a systematic understanding. The research data comes from 19 secondary sources in the form of scientific books and journal articles published between 2016 and 2025 that are relevant to the themes of customs, village governance, community participation, and local leadership. The search was conducted using the Publish or Perish application with purposive sampling techniques to select sources directly related to the main research issue. This study concludes that the integration of traditional institutions into local democracy produces a model of village leadership that is legally strong and culturally rooted. This integration provides a basis for strengthening local democracy based on cultural wisdom, thereby supporting village development.

This article examines the relationship between Islamic politics and democracy in contemporary Indonesia. As the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, Indonesia presents a distinctive dynamic in the interaction between Islamic values and modern democratic systems. This study aims to analyze how Islamic political actors, including political parties and religious organizations, interact with and adapt to democratic practices in the post-Reform era. The research employs a qualitative method through a literature review of Indonesian academic journals published within the last five years. The findings indicate that Islamic politics in Indonesia is plural and dynamic, showing an adaptive tendency toward democratic principles. Islamic values such as deliberation (shura), justice, and equality are considered compatible with democratic ideals. However, Islamic politics also faces contemporary challenges, including the politicization of religion, identity politics, and social polarization. The article concludes that the relationship between Islamic politics and democracy in Indonesia is dynamic and largely adaptive within the framework of the Pancasila state.

This article examines three major streams of Islamic political thought in Indonesia through a comparative analysis of the ideas of Mohammad Natsir, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, and Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur). Mohammad Natsir embodies the constitutional–integralist perspective, which seeks to formalize Islam as the foundation of the state by utilizing democratic mechanisms and constitutional political processes. In contrast, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir reflects a radical–ideological orientation that firmly rejects democracy and advocates the full implementation of Islamic Sharia through extra-constitutional and non-parliamentary movements. Meanwhile, Abdurrahman Wahid represents a substantive–cultural approach, opposing the formal institutionalization of Islam within the state while promoting Islamic values as ethical guidance for building a tolerant and pluralistic nation. The contrasting viewpoints of these three figures highlight the diversity of Islamic political discourse in Indonesia and illustrate the evolving interaction between religion and state. Overall, this study demonstrates how Islamic thought continues to adapt and remain relevant within Indonesia’s multicultural and democratic context.

The president's prerogative is a form of power inherent in the president's position as head of state. One form of this prerogative is the granting of abolition, which is the abolition of legal proceedings against a person or group of people who are or will undergo judicial proceedings. However, in its implementation, the president's authority to grant abolition is not absolute, but is limited by the applicable legal provisions and constitutional mechanisms. This study aims to analyze the limits of the president's power in exercising the prerogative in the form of abolition and review the juridical aspects that govern the procedure and its considerations. The research method used is normative juridical research with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. Data sources are obtained from relevant laws and regulations, legal literature, and scientific works. The results of the study show that the president's authority in granting abolition is regulated in Article 14 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, which requires the president to pay attention to the considerations of the House of Representatives (DPR). Thus, this authority is not an absolute prerogative, but is limited by the principle of checks and balances in the Indonesian constitutional system. The conclusion of this study emphasizes that the restriction is a form of constitutional supervision over the use of presidential power to remain in line with the principles of the rule of law and constitutional democracy

Women’s representation in legislative institutions is an important indicator for assessing the quality of democracy and gender equality in a political system. Indonesia has implemented an affirmative policy requiring a minimum quota of 30% female candidates in legislative elections. However, its implementation at the local level still faces various challenges. This study aims to analyze the phenomenon of tokenism and the forms of women’s political representation in the nomination and election process of members of the Cilegon City Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) for the 2024–2029 period. This research employs a qualitative method with a descriptive approach using literature review and secondary data analysis. The analysis is based on Hanna Pitkin’s theory of political representation, which categorizes representation into four types: formal, symbolic, descriptive, and substantive. The findings show that only 4 out of 40 seats in the Cilegon City DPRD are occupied by women, representing approximately 10% of the total membership, and this figure has remained unchanged compared to the previous period. This condition indicates a gap between the fulfillment of the female candidate quota at the nomination stage and the low level of electoral success. Furthermore, the political recruitment process within parties also reflects indications of tokenism, where female candidates are often included merely to fulfill administrative requirements without sufficient political support. As a result, women’s representation in the Cilegon DPRD tends to remain at the formal and descriptive levels, while substantive representation remains a challenge in local political practice.

Criminal law policy in Indonesia saw significant modifications with the adoption of the new Criminal Code (KUHP), particularly with regard to the regulation of cohabitation and adultery. Because it directly affects people's private life and may have an impact on human rights protection, this arrangement has sparked discussion in the community. This study intends to investigate the application of the penal provisions of adultery and cohabitation in the new penal Code and examine its consequences for the protection of human rights. The research method applied was normative legal research with a legislative, conceptual, and human rights approach. The study's findings show that the regulation and implementation of laws relating to adultery and promiscuity can lead to issues in law enforcement, particularly those relating to the right to privacy, the proportionality of punishment principle, and the potential for actual abuse of power. The conclusion of this study underlines the necessity for the judicial implementation of the law and geared towards the protection of human rights, as well as the examination of criminal law policies to be in line with the ideals of the rule of law, democracy, and respect for individual freedom.

The doctrine of open legal policy is a jurisprudential construction of the Constitutional Court that provides space for lawmakers to formulate norms as long as they do not contradict the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Nevertheless, the application of this doctrine in the practice of law testing has raised various constitutional problems, particularly concerning the limits of authority between legislators and the Constitutional Court, as well as the protection of citizens' constitutional rights. This research aims to analyze the concept and construction of open legal policy within the Indonesian constitutional system and to formulate the constitutional limits of its application in Constitutional Court decisions. This research is a normative legal study with an approach based on legislation, a conceptual approach, and a case approach. The legal materials used include the 1945 Constitution, relevant legislation, and pertinent Constitutional Court decisions. The research results indicate that open legal policy cannot be interpreted as absolute freedom for lawmakers, but must be limited by the principle of constitutional supremacy, protection of constitutional rights, and the principle of proportionality as reflected in Article 28J paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. The ambiguity of the parameters for applying this doctrine has the potential to cause inconsistencies in rulings and disrupt legal certainty. Therefore, a more precise and consistent formulation of constitutional limits is necessary to maintain the balance between representative democracy and constitutional oversight.

The enforcement of election criminal law plays a crucial role in safeguarding democratic integrity and upholding the principle of popular sovereignty. Law Number 7 of 2017 establishes the Integrated Law Enforcement Center (Sentra Gakkumdu) as a coordinated mechanism involving the Election Supervisory Body, the Police, and the Prosecution Service in addressing election crimes. However, in practice, the Gakkumdu system has not fully ensured a balanced realization of legal certainty, substantive justice, and legal utility. This study aims to analyze the problems of election criminal law enforcement within the Gakkumdu system, examine the relevance of the Restorative Justice approach in election law, and formulate a reconstruction of election criminal law enforcement based on this approach. This research employs normative legal research using statutory, conceptual, legal philosophy, and legal policy approaches. The findings indicate that the weaknesses in election criminal law enforcement arise from institutional fragmentation, normative ambiguity, and a legal culture dominated by legalistic and sectoral perspectives. The Restorative Justice approach is considered relevant as it prioritizes substantive justice and the restoration of democratic values. Therefore, reconstructing election criminal law enforcement based on Restorative Justice is essential to strengthening democratic legitimacy and public trust in elections in Indonesia.

The transformation of political communication in the digital era has fundamentally altered the ways political parties and their affiliated wing organizations interact with party cadres and the broader public. In Indonesia, party wing organizations such as Angkatan Muda Pembaharuan Indonesia (AMPI), Angkatan Muda Partai Golkar (AMPG), and other youth wings increasingly rely on social media as the primary medium for political cadre formation. However, this shift has not only created new opportunities for participation but has also generated structural problems, including the dominance of symbolic communication, the personalization of political elites, and the subordination of ideological discourse to the algorithmic logic of digital platforms. This article aims to critically examine how the digital political communication of party wing organizations operates within the context of Indonesia’s representative democracy, the extent to which it constitutes a deliberative public sphere for young cadres, and how such practices affect the quality of political cadre formation. Employing a critical paradigm and a transdisciplinary qualitative approach, the study integrates Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, Aeron Davis’s evaluation of democratic communication, and the concept of the mediatization of politics. The findings indicate that the digital communication of party wings tends to function primarily as an instrument of symbolic consolidation and loyalty mobilization rather than as an arena for dialogical political education. Consequently, digital cadre formation produces representational identities more than critical political consciousness. This article therefore recommends a reorientation of the digital political communication of party wing organizations toward deliberative and emancipatory models in order to strengthen internal party democracy and promote substantive political regeneration.

This study stems from a classic question in the study of political hadith regarding leadership, specifically the hadith "The Imams are from Quraysh," which is often understood textually as requiring leaders to be from the Quraysh tribe. This kind of understanding often stops at the normative and historical level, without considering the socio-political context of modern society, which is fundamentally different from the early Islamic era. As a result, a gap emerged between the moral message of the hadith and the reality of the leadership system in democratic countries like Indonesia. This research aims to reanalyse the meaning of hadiths about Quraysh and non-Quraysh leadership, and to trace their relevance to the concept of state leadership in the Indonesian constitutional system, placing Islamic political theory and modern leadership theory on an equal footing (theory = theory). This research employs a qualitative approach based on library research, with the primary sources being political hadiths and classical references such as al-Ahkam al-Sulthaniyyah by al-Mawardi, supplemented by contemporary literature on the modern Indonesian government system. The analysis was conducted using comparative methods and content analysis to explore the commonalities and differences between the concept of Imamah in Islam and leadership in modern democratic systems. The research findings indicate that the hadith about Quraysh leadership cannot be understood rigidly as a limitation of lineage, but rather as an ethical guideline emphasising the principles of justice, trust, responsibility, and public interest. The ethical values in the hadith align with the basic principles of the presidential system in Indonesia, such as public accountability, limitation of power, and popular sovereignty, as regulated in the 1945 Constitution. Despite challenges such as corruption, the politicisation of religion, and weak leadership morality, the values of the hadith remain relevant if translated into public norms and modern governance practices. This research confirms that leadership in Islam and Indonesian democracy can complement each other, with Islam providing a moral and spiritual foundation, while democracy offers the legal and political structure to realise it.

State institutions play a primary role in governing and exercising power within a country. Indonesia, as a unitary state with a republican system, regulates the state's institutional structure through the 1945 Constitution, which serves as the supreme legal basis and guideline for state administration. The function of state institutions is to ensure that all aspects of government are implemented in accordance with the principles of law, justice, and public welfare. The state is not only considered a legal entity but also a social entity with specific functions and logic. The state's objectives are directed at balancing government power and citizen rights and accommodating the interests of individuals and the wider community. Following the amendments to the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia's institutional system underwent significant changes with the establishment of independent institutions that strengthen democracy, transparency, and accountability. Understanding the state's foundations, the requirements for formation, the form and system of government, and the relationships between institutions is crucial for maintaining Indonesia's constitutional order. Furthermore, public respect for state symbols and institutions contributes to strengthening unity and political stability, and realizing the ideals of a sovereign and prosperous nation.

This study examines the dynamics of public criticism of Shin Tae-yong's dismissal by PSSI as a phenomenon of digital communication that shows the tension between freedom of expression and the legal limits of hate speech. The background of this research stems from the intensity of netizens' reactions, which developed into collective moral pressure and had the potential to enter the realm of insults and hostility, as reflected in various comments, news reports, and verbal disputes involving public figures. This study aims to analyze how criticism, media framing, and netizen responses interact with the regulations of the ITE Law, particularly Article 28 paragraph (2), which is often used in reporting hate speech. The methods used are a normative juridical approach and case studies with document analysis, news reports, and academic literature techniques to identify patterns of digital expression and their legal relevance. The results of the study show that public criticism of Shin Tae-yong not only reflects performance evaluation, but also contains emotional, social identity, and moral dimensions that are reinforced by media framing and digital culture. The discussion confirms that the shift from criticism to hate speech occurs when public expression is not managed ethically, while law enforcement on hate speech articles still faces interpretation problems. In conclusion, this verbal dispute reflects the complexity of Indonesia's digital democracy and the urgency of legal reform

Demonstrations demanding the dissolution of the House of Representatives by 2025 highlight a crisis of public trust and serve as a key moment in Indonesia's political landscape. These protests have not only symbolic significance but also lead to elite repositioning, the temporary dismissal of several members, and the cessation of policy that increased benefits. This study examines how the crisis has prompted political institutional reconstruction and the role of civil society in influencing change. A descriptive qualitative approach was used, including literature studies, analysis of academic literature, official documents, and media reports. The findings indicate that actions by the House of Representatives, such as the rotation of Commission III leadership, member deactivation, and rejection of benefit increases, were primarily reactive to public pressure. The discussion reveals that while these actions reduce crisis escalation, they are cosmetic and do not address structural issues like legislative accountability and budget transparency. In conclusion, the 2025 protests provide an opportunity for civil society to engage politically outside elections, but the institutional changes made are short-term. Fundamental reform can only occur if civil movements remain consistent and if political parties and the government commit to reform.

For the general public, Indonesia’s five-year electoral cycle is often perceived merely as a procedural voting event, overlooking the substance and quality of how voters select presidential or regional leaders. Following the 2024 General Election, the challenges of democracy have shifted from technical management to the prevention of polarization, money politics, digital disinformation, identity politics, and echo chambers. This article analyzes the urgency of implementing sustainable voter education during the inter-election period, using the General Election Commission (KPU) of Balikpapan City as a case study. The study focuses on KPU Balikpapan’s strategies to transform pragmatic voters, who are susceptible to manipulation, into informed participants, while also addressing the vulnerabilities of first-time voters ahead of the 2029 Election to increase participation rates. The analysis indicates that political education during the non-election period is a critical moment to build the cognitive foundation of voters without compromising their independent choice, making the role of KPU Balikpapan essential in maintaining democratic integrity in the city.

This study analyzes media perceptions of the revocation of CNN Indonesia journalists' press identity cards by the State Palace in 2025, using the legal framework of Law Number 40 of 1999 concerning the Press. The main objective of the study is to examine the extent to which provisions in the Press Law function effectively in providing legal protection for journalists, as well as to identify potential restrictions on statements deemed inappropriate for public access by the Palace. The method used is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach, combining literature review, legal document analysis, and review of national media coverage. The research findings indicate that the revocation of Press IDs without going through the Press Council mechanism contradicts the principles of due process and press freedom guaranteed in the Press Law. This incident created a critical perception that the government has the potential to restrict journalists' freedom, especially regarding strategic state policy issues. Informal resolution through mediation and official apologies do not change the reality that the implementation of non-litigation mechanisms in the Press Law is crucial. This study concludes that the role of the Press Law in protecting the journalistic profession is highly dependent on the government's commitment to guaranteeing press freedom, information transparency, and strengthening the media as a pillar of democracy.

This study investigates the influence of Apparatus Competency and Information Systems on Community Political Participation in the Local Government Head Election during the COVID-19 pandemic era in Karawang Regency. The COVID-19 pandemic has posed significant challenges to democratic processes, particularly in maintaining voter participation while ensuring public health safety. Employing a mixed-methods approach combining quantitative and qualitative data with Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) analysis, this research analyzed data from 263 respondents across various election administrative units. The results indicate that: (1) Apparatus Competency does not have a significant positive effect on Community Political Participation (T-value = 1.01 < 1.96); (2) Information Systems have a significant positive effect on Community Political Participation (T-value = 2.78 > 1.96; path coefficient = 0.67). The combined contribution of both variables explains 76% of the variance in political participation. From these findings, the study proposes the Skills Democracy Model, emphasizing that digital information skills and organizational experience are critical determinants of democratic participation quality during pandemic conditions. These findings have significant implications for election governance reform and e-democracy development in Indonesia.

This research aims to normatively analyze the legal basis, rationality, and implications of the presidential threshold on the multi-party system and the principle of electoral justice in Indonesia, with a focus on Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013. Thru a normative legal approach, this research examines the provisions of Article 222 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections and the Constitutional Court's constitutional arguments in maintaining the presidential nomination threshold. The analysis results show that although formally the presidential threshold is an open and legitimate legal policy, it substantially creates political inequality and limits the participation of small parties in the multi-party system. The Constitutional Court's decision is considered not fully reflective of the principles of electoral justice and popular sovereignty, as it prioritizes government stability over political equality. Therefore, it is necessary to reformulate the presidential candidacy threshold policy to make it more proportional, inclusive, and aligned with the principles of constitutional democracy. This reform is expected to strengthen the legitimacy of Indonesia's presidential system without neglecting the fundamental values of justice and political representation of the people.  

The culture of patronage is a key characteristic of Indonesian political dynamics, having developed from the pre-colonial era to the contemporary democratic era. Despite decentralization and political reforms in Indonesia, patronage practices persist through relationships between political elites, bureaucracy, business actors, and communities, particularly at the local level. This study analyzes patronage using Pierre Bourdieu's Social Practice Theory framework, which emphasizes the interaction between habitus, capital, and the arena as factors shaping social practices. The method used is descriptive qualitative research with data collection techniques through desk studies, which allows researchers to examine various academic literature to build a comprehensive conceptual analysis. The research findings indicate that internalized political habitus, the accumulation of economic, social, cultural, and symbolic capital, and a competitive local political field are key elements in perpetuating patronage. Patronage is not merely a transactional political practice, but a social structure that is continuously reproduced and impacts the politicization of bureaucracy, the strengthening of oligarchy, power inequality, and the vulnerability of the poor to political manipulation. This research confirms that efforts to strengthen democracy in Indonesia require transformation of the political habitus of society, bureaucratic reform, and restrictions on the dominance of economic actors in the political arena to break the entrenched patron-client chain.

This study aims to analyze the supervisory strategy of the Panwascam (Central Election Supervisory Agency) of Sinjai Borong District in handling election violations in the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Elections in Sinjai Regency. The study focuses on two main aspects, namely preventive strategies and repressive strategies. The research method uses a qualitative approach with case studies, through in-depth interviews, observation, documentation, and interactive data analysis. The results show that the Panwascam's preventive strategies include socialization of election regulations, political education, and strengthening coordination with village officials and community leaders. This strategy has been proven to increase regulatory understanding among lower-level election organizers and public political awareness, especially first-time voters. Meanwhile, the repressive strategy is implemented through violation handling mechanisms, preparing legal recommendations, and summoning perpetrators and witnesses. Based on field findings, the Panwascam successfully handled one case of violation of ASN neutrality that was recommended to the Regency Bawaslu. This study concludes that the supervision of the Sinjai Borong Panwascam is relatively effective, although it still faces limited resources, low public legal literacy, and strong local political patronage. The results of this study provide a conceptual contribution to strengthening the community-based electoral supervision model, which integrates regulatory, educational, and collaborative aspects. They also serve as practical recommendations for improving the quality of electoral democracy at the local level.

The state of law and democracy are two concepts that are interrelated in the mechanism of managing the government of a country. Democracy provides the foundation for creating equality and equality of rights for all citizens, while the state of law emphasizes that power in a country must be subject to the rule of law, not the will of a particular individual or group. This research is a normative legal research with a normative juridical approach that seeks to explore the harmony of legal rules with applicable norms. The results of the study show that from the colonial period to the reform era, a lot of progress has been made in strengthening the principles of the rule of law, both formally and substantially. The 1998 reform was a momentum that marked a strong commitment to make Indonesia a democratic country of law, where every citizen has rights and obligations protected by law. In Indonesia, democracy has gone through various phases from the parliamentary era, Guided Democracy, New Order, to the reform era that provides greater space for people's involvement.