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Islamic education has a strategic role in shaping the character and morals of students in line with the principles of democracy. This article aims to examine how democratic values ​​such as equality, justice, deliberation, and tolerance can be instilled through the process of Islamic education, both formally in educational institutions and in non-formal contexts such as religious studies and socio-religious activities. With a qualitative descriptive approach and literature study, this study shows that Islamic education can be an effective instrument in instilling democratic values ​​through the integration of religious teachings, teacher role models, and strengthening the curriculum that encourages dialogue, freedom of thought, and respect for differences. Instilling democratic values ​​in Islamic education is not only relevant to the development of national character, but also becomes an important foundation in forming a civilized civil society.

In recent years, the judiciary has faced harsh criticism for its tardiness in resolving electoral cases in a free and equitable way. Here, a Marxist theoretical approach is used to identify the issue contemplated. Every society's government should ideally endeavor to create a peaceful and habitable environment by enacting laws that safeguard the interests of its residents and those who live nearby. Since the judiciary, an arm of a democratic government, like the one in Nigeria, is tasked with upholding the law, it becomes quite concerning when this branch of the government is beset by charges and convictions of corruption.  It was suggested that corrupt judges who commit crimes should face a variety of penalties and sanctions, including the death penalty, termination from their position, and public humiliation by being imprisoned for a period of time. Supporting politicians who buy off judges to see through, they ought to be tried and found guilty of bribing public officials. Additionally, they ought to be disqualified from any political office they are running for, since this will lessen judicial corruption, which impedes the development of Nigerian democracy. This report examines Nigeria's problems with corruption. It uses case studies of two nations with comparable issues and histories to provide a comparative perspective. Some of the suggested methods for an efficient performance of oversight functions include evolving reforms, guiding media and civil society engagement, and involving citizens.  

This study examines the level of political participation among the populace and highlights the importance of elections as a key component of a democratic system. Scholars widely acknowledge that involvement in electoral processes serves as a primary indicator of how well a country has embraced the principle of social equality within the international framework. The study employed a mixed-method approach, utilizing both qualitative and quantitative techniques. The quantitative instrument used was the Political Participation Attitude Scale (PPAS), while qualitative data were collected through the Focus Group Guide on Political Participation (FGGPP). The research posed and addressed three core research questions. The findings reveal that 57% of respondents did not actively participate in political activities. Gender was found to influence levels of engagement; 30% of male respondents and 13% of female respondents reported active involvement in political activities, while 38% of males and 12% of females consistently participated in voting. Furthermore, the survey indicated that a majority of respondents (53%) lacked trust in their political leaders. Based on these findings, the study recommends that Nigeria urgently adopt both formal and informal political education strategies to enhance civic awareness and participation. Additionally, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is encouraged to develop mechanisms that will ensure broader voter turnout in the upcoming 2015 general elections.

These tests assessed the electorate's degree of disinterest in voting. It investigated the reasons behind voters' indifference to voting. It also established the voting remedies disinterest from the viewpoints of the voters and, lastly, investigated how factors including socioeconomic position, political party affiliations, and educational attainment affected the voters' degree of voting apathy. The survey research design was used in the study. Using a purposive sampling technique, 350 electorates from seven faculties at Obafemi Awolowo University in Ile-Ife made up the sample size. Before being used, a tool called the Voting Apathy Questionnaire (VAQ) was created and verified. Three hypotheses were investigated and confirmed, and three research questions were posed and addressed. Among other things, the results indicated that 50.3% of voters were indifferent to voting. Additionally, the degree of voting indifference among the electorate was significantly influenced by educational levels (² = 161.969a, p < 0.05). Rational Choice Theory was selected as the theoretical underpinning, and the study used both survey research design and secondary sources of data collection as information gathering techniques. The results showed that low levels of education and illiteracy are associated with poor political and voter education, particularly when it comes to the fact that the majority of voters (roughly 50%) fail to pick up their permanent voter cards and are therefore unable to be accredited to vote; that Nigerian politics is another factor, as it is known as a bitter and acrimonious politics; and that because elected officials have failed to fulfill their campaign promises, the electorate has lost faith in the government and finds it difficult to participate in the electoral process.

This article discusses the position and functions of state institutions in Indonesia's governmental system based on the 1945 Constitution (UUD 1945). The UUD 1945, as Indonesia's highest written constitution, establishes state institutions within three main branches of government: executive, legislative, and judicial. The article outlines how each branch fulfills its role according to the principle of trias politica, aimed at maintaining a balance of power through a system of checks and balances. The main focus is to analyze the position of these institutions within the constitutional framework and how they work synergistically to support Indonesia's political, legal, and social stability. Furthermore, the article explores the challenges faced by state institutions, such as overlapping authorities, and offers recommendations for addressing these issues to strengthen good governance and democracy. A deeper understanding of the role and functions of state institutions is expected to help Indonesia achieve a just and prosperous government.

This study uses a qualitative methodology and secondary source data to investigate election cheating and its impact on Nigeria's democratic consolidation. It will be examined using historical and content analysis. examination. Nigerian democracy's progress has been severely hampered by election tampering. According to the report, e-election holds enormous promise and might be the solution to voter fraud in Nigeria's electoral system provided it is properly deployed and funded. It starts by looking at the constitutional, legal, and theoretical underpinnings of electronic voting. Second, it examines the real-world obstacles to the adoption and deployment of an electronic voting system in Nigeria by learning from other countries. Nigeria's elections have fallen short of expectations thus far because of a variety of electoral manipulations that have prevented the nation from holding legitimate, free, and fair elections within her political system. In addition to undermining Nigeria's democratic consolidation, election cheating has breached the fundamental human right (right to lives) of a large number of Nigerians. This essay offers some crucial suggestions that could solve the issues of election tampering and explain how those actions can support the need for a democratic atmosphere, which is a need for free and fair elections.

This essay was written to investigate why, in spite of the policies that the Nigerian government has put in place, poverty rates are still high. The main obstacle that every accountable and responsive government must overcome is Regardless matter whether the government is a military dictatorship or a democracy, it must improve and give greater meaning to the lives of its citizens if it is to remain relevant and legitimate in the eyes of the governed. Since independence, every succeeding administration has implemented some kind of plan to lessen the suffering of the populace and make them happy.Prior to and during the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), it was noted that the majority of these programs were supply-driven, meaning they were unable to address the needs of the impoverished and, as a result, had little impact on reducing poverty. In order to reach the target poor, various programs that were introduced after SAP adopted a demand-driven strategy. The purpose of this study are (i) to critically analyze the several programs, reforms, and policies aimed at reducing poverty that have been implemented by Nigerian governments in succession, as well as the factors that contributed to their success or failure. (ii). expresses profoundly helpful measures that, if properly applied, would help the country escape its current poverty trap and put it on the correct path for sustainable economic development rather than just the steady economic progress it has seen over the years.

The involvement of church members in political life is a form of religious responsibility that must be rooted in Christian values. This community service activity was designed to enhance the political literacy of the GBIS Kristus Gembala Alastuwo Karanganyar congregation in preparation for the Simultaneous Regional Elections on November 27, 2024. Conducted over two sessions on November 3 and 10, 2024, the activity employed interactive discussions, lectures, and Biblical reflections that connect Christian values with political participation. Key themes included justice, honesty, servant leadership, and the rejection of money politics. The participants were also invited to reflect on the implementation of the regional elections held on December 8, 2024, as part of their learning process.The results show that the congregation's political awareness improved significantly. Members expressed a deeper understanding of the importance of electing trustworthy leaders who uphold integrity and public service. Furthermore, they demonstrated the courage to reject practices of money politics, indicating the internalization of Christian values in their civic decisions. By exploring democracy through the lens of faith, the congregation developed a more critical, wise, and responsible approach to voting. This initiative highlights the strategic role of the Church in shaping the political awareness of its members through ongoing political education grounded in Christian teachings. Continued efforts are essential to ensure that the congregation remains active in promoting moral leadership and societal transformation, beginning within the church community itself. Ultimately, churches can serve as centers for ethical political formation, equipping believers to contribute meaningfully to national development.

The 2024 Indonesian General Election is not only a reflection of democratic dynamics but also highlights the increasing political polarization among party supporters. This study aims to analyze how online media coverage shapes and reinforces political polarization, particularly in the forms of affective and identity polarization. This research employs a qualitative descriptive method with a Miles and Huberman approach, utilizing data collected from online news articles during the 2024 election period. The findings reveal that affective polarization manifests through the spread of hate narratives and emotions that deepen social divisions, while identity polarization intensifies through the use of religious, ethnic, and ideological factors to build group loyalty. These two forms of polarization contribute to growing societal fragmentation and impact the quality of democracy in Indonesia. Therefore, efforts to enhance digital and political literacy are crucial to mitigating the negative effects of media-driven political polarization.

The digital era has brought significant changes in various aspects of life, including building civic awareness. Islamic preaching as an effort to convey Islamic teachings and values has an important role in shaping characters and increasing public awareness of the rights and obligations of citizens, and also has a strategic role in instilling national values and social responsibility in a society that is increasingly digitally connected. By utilizing digital technology, preaching can be an effective means of spreading moral messages, ethics, and national values that are in line with Islamic teachings. Social media such as digital platforms, podcasts, websites, and so on make it easier for preachers to convey preaching more widely, so that they can reach various communities. This research was conducted through case studies and examining in more depth digital preaching activities through a particular institution or individual such as a YouTube account, digital preaching podcast or digital preaching community and observing public response to preaching content on social media. And analyzing the content by seeing to what extent the message that has been conveyed contains civic values such as tolerance, democracy and the rights and obligations of the state. Therefore, optimizing digital preaching is an urgent need in an effort to build a strong civic awareness based on Islamic values. Through digital communication such as educational content, preaching can increase individual awareness of their rights and obligations as citizens.    

To maintain order the and continuity of democracy in Indonesia, legal and constitutional stability are essential. This article discusses the strategic functions of state institutions, including the executive, legislative, and judiciary, in ensuring the supremacy of law and constitutionalism. This paper investigates how cooperation between state institutions can strengthen a stable legal system that is responsive to socio-political changes using qualitative methodologies, such as desk studies and analysis of laws and regulations. This paper also emphasizes that state institutions face political pressure, regulatory inconsistencies, and interventions in the law enforcement process. This study offers policy suggestions to improve institutional capacity in maintaining legal and constitutional stability by comparing practices in other democratic countries. These study expected to help strengthennof Indonesian constitutional system to more than responsive to advances while maintaining the supremacy of law and democracy.

The study looked into how Nigeria's democratic system's economic growth was impacted by the cost of governance. The cost of governance factors is divided into general GDP was the dependent variable and a stand-in for economic growth, while administration, defense, internal security, and national assembly were the explanatory variables. The study examined Nigeria's fourth republic's civil rule from 2019 to 2024. Ordinary Least Square regression and diagnostic tests were performed. The findings indicate that while internal security (-106.17 ISEC) has a negative impact on GDP, general administration (8.67 GA), defense (169.99 DEF), and national assembly (496.50 NAS) have favorable effects. According to the hypotheses' summary, (1) the federal government's expenditure on general administrations has no discernible positive impact on Nigeria's economic growth; (2) the federal government's expenditure on defense has a discernible positive impact on Nigeria's economic growth; and (3) the federal government's expenditure on internal Nigeria's economic growth is significantly impacted negatively by security, whereas the country's economic growth is significantly impacted positively by the federal government's national assembly costs. The research suggested, among other things, that the funds allocated to internal security be examined and that cost-benefit studies be performed on the parastatals that receive the funds.

President Goodluck Jonathan established the Presidential Committee on Rationalization and Restructuring of Federal Government Parastatals, Commissions, and Agencies in August 2011 in an effort to reduce the growing cost of government. The committee, led by Stephen Orosanye, the former Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, produced a report that included various recommendations, some of which have caused uncertainty and anxiety among government workers. The committee reviewed existing legislation and noted in the report that "Nigeria's average cost of governance is considered to be among the highest in the world." All branches of government must work diligently to reduce operating costs if the cost of governance is to be lowered. The report suggested reducing the 263 agencies to 161, with additional recommendations: 38 agencies should be abolished, 52 merged, and 14 transferred back to departments within relevant ministries. It is estimated that around 30,000 people work in these agencies and parastatals, though the exact figures vary. However, it is still unclear how the National Assembly will accept these proposals, given that most of these institutions were established by legislation. Orosanye’s Report has attracted more criticism than support, based on public opinion reflected in the media. The aim of this research is to investigate the impact of high governance costs on Nigeria's socioeconomic sectors.

This paper's goal is to undertake a critical evaluation of Nigerian democracy's speed, practices, patterns, priorities, issues, and future. Although Nigeria is still run by democratically elected officials, after a century as a political entity, Nigeria has yet to institutionalize democracy at the federal and state levels. After more than 50 years of political independence, the study examines some of the challenges Nigeria faces in institutionalizing democracy. These include the nation's colonial past mixed with the whims of deeply ingrained ethnicity; a smug and extravagant leadership; the military's constant meddling in the democratic process; electoral fraud; widespread poverty; and a high rate of illiteracy. According to the publication, corruption is the main cause of most of the aforementioned issues and has essentially taken on a life of its own in Nigeria. However, the study argues that despite the aforementioned, there is still hope for a politically secure and democratically viable People's enthusiasm to vote, the multi-party system's relative stability and sustainability, and the widespread recognition that the only legitimate and well-liked path to gaining political power is through the voting booth are what define the nation. The historical approach of data analysis—simple descriptive collation and analysis of historical data—is used in this paper, which draws its data from primary and secondary source materials. 

The declaration by President Muhammadu Buhari that he is willing to reduce the rising expenses of managing public affairs is a major surprise. Newspapers everywhere have stated that he will face the confront the problem head-on by reforming numerous government agencies, merging others, and dismantling others. We are still figuring out the specifics. The only information that has been made public thus far is that the plan's first casualties will be the Universal Tertiary Matriculation Examination, the National Examinations Council, and the National Poverty Eradication Programme. It is evident from the announced strategy that the president and his officials either do not understand the seriousness of the issue or are once again manipulating a terrible sickness that is plaguing the nation. In what way would eliminating NECO and instructing WAEC to take on the personnel reduce costs? Or how would renaming NAPP contribute to improving governance value? How does he make sure that each and every Kobo that goes into counted national treasuries? What steps is he taking to guarantee that public policy is geared toward reducing people's suffering? The cost of governance during Jonathan's administration is examined in this study. It examines the cost of government from a thematic perspective, emphasizing its main points with specific examples. According to the paper's conclusion, the so-called clause of "senior ministers and junior or ministers of state" has led to the current unhealthy rivalry and widespread bitterness, but it has also resulted in needless waste of public funds in the payment of entitlements due to over-bloated administrative costs.  

History often repeats itself in different contexts, as seen in the political dynamics of Indonesia in 2024, which are similar to the events of 1998. Although it has not yet reached the escalation of reforms, political tensions, polarization of society, and dissatisfaction with the government are the main issues. The fall in the Democracy Index reflects a weakening of freedom of opinion, human rights, and political participation. The wave of massive demonstrations against the revision of the 2024 Pilkada law showed resistance from various elements of society, including students, workers, artists, and public figures. Demonstrators demanded that the DPR comply with Constitutional Court decision Number 60/PUU-XXII/2024 regarding the threshold for the nomination of regional heads and Constitutional Court decision Number 70/PUU-XXII / 2024 regarding the age limit for candidates for regional heads. This research is a literature study with qualitative methods and a normative legal approach, including statutory, case, and conceptual analysis. The Data was obtained through the analysis of relevant legal and regulatory documents, as well as public opinion published in online media. This study provides an overview of the current challenges of Indonesian democracy as well as the implications of legal decisions on national political dynamics.

Indonesia is a country that recognizes two major concepts and then they implement them, such as the Republic and Democracy systems. The two concepts are even stronger presented in the 1945 Constitution as the main part and at the same time a source of pride. However, Indonesia does not really practice the two concepts in reality because they have eliminated one important part of the general problem, namely the position of citizens and their rights in the country. The phenomenon of marginalizing left-wing politics is a tragedy in Indonesian history that makes the construction of the paradigm of Indonesian society consider that left-wing politics is too radical, anarchic and dangerous for Indonesia. so that the steps they take are to stay away from the world of left-wing politics which results in an imbalance between the government and citizens, a gap where the government together with the capitalists compete in progress and happiness, while ordinary people in Indonesia try and fight to stay alive. Left-wing politics is part of one way to apply the principles of Pancasila, especially the fourth and fifth principles. Left-wing politics basically offers a humanitarian struggle, so Indonesia needs that principle to revive national values ​​in the form of real changes to better steps.

The Village Consultative Body as a village legislative institution has the function of compiling and enacting regulations together with the village head. BPD also has the authority to legislate, supervise and empower the community as regulated in Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. Apart from making regulations, the BPD also has the authority to supervise the running of village government, especially in implementing village regulations and implementing the village budget. From the explanation above, the author formulates two problem formulations, namely how the legislative authority of the Village Consultative Body in forming village regulations based on Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages and how to apply the theory of participatory democracy in forming village regulations. The purpose of this research is to analyze and understand the legislative authority possessed by the Village Consultative Body (BPD) in the process of forming village regulations in accordance with the provisions of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages and analyze the application of participatory descriptive theory by the Village Consultative Body (BPD). in the formation of village regulations. In this research the author uses a type of normative legal research where this research will focus on laws as legal material. The results of this research are that the Village Consultative Body (BPD) as a representative of the community has the authority to play an active role in making village regulations that have been regulated in the Law and active community participation can strengthen the legitimacy of village regulations and improve village governance and there needs to be ongoing efforts to strengthen community participation.

The problem of organizing regional elections has been apparent since the nomination stage where there are obstacles for each regional head, namely the regional head nomination threshold. The nomination threshold directly eliminates the constitutional and political rights of every citizen to actively participate in the regional head election process. This study uses normative legal research, namely preliminary research activities before delving further into in-concrito research. The research approach uses a statute approach and a case approach through the Constitutional Court decision Number 60/PUU-XXII/2024. The statute approach is carried out to trace the laws and regulations related to the research theme being studied. The results of the discussion obtained, namely the Constitutional Court's decision regarding changes to the regional head nomination threshold, are a good sign for the future of democracy. The people have almost lost trust recently in the democratization process with the behavior of political party elites in nominating regional heads who tend to lead to cartel politics. Of course, this decision needs to be welcomed and the Constitutional Court deserves appreciation because this decision was issued amidst the strengthening of cartel politics in the nomination of regional heads. The Constitutional Court's decision has changed the basis of the requirements that must be met by political parties or coalitions of political parties in registering regional head candidate pairs from obtaining seats or accumulation of valid voters to only obtaining valid voters by determining the percentage.

Indonesia's democracy, despite over two decades of progress since the fall of the New Order regime, has faced stagnation and democratic backsliding in recent years. Indicators from institutions such as the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Freedom House, and Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) consistently highlight a decline in democratic quality. Contributing factors include identity politics, declining electoral integrity, political dynasties, and weak institutional capacities, described as "Low-Capacity Democracy." This study employs a qualitative approach to explore these challenges, including literature reviews, document analysis, and interviews. The findings reveal systemic issues at both institutional and societal levels, including weakened oversight bodies like the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the dominance of executive power, and the rise of transactional politics and political dynasties. Digital challenges, such as disinformation and low digital literacy, also exacerbate these issues. This study recommends comprehensive reforms, such as strengthening independent institutions, enhancing transparency in public fund management, and improving political education to reduce transactional practices. Digital media regulations and technology-based electoral monitoring are also proposed to increase transparency. By addressing these issues, Indonesia can reinforce democratic resilience and foster an inclusive, accountable political system.