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This article examines the relationship between Islamic politics and democracy in contemporary Indonesia. As the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, Indonesia presents a distinctive dynamic in the interaction between Islamic values and modern democratic systems. This study aims to analyze how Islamic political actors, including political parties and religious organizations, interact with and adapt to democratic practices in the post-Reform era. The research employs a qualitative method through a literature review of Indonesian academic journals published within the last five years. The findings indicate that Islamic politics in Indonesia is plural and dynamic, showing an adaptive tendency toward democratic principles. Islamic values such as deliberation (shura), justice, and equality are considered compatible with democratic ideals. However, Islamic politics also faces contemporary challenges, including the politicization of religion, identity politics, and social polarization. The article concludes that the relationship between Islamic politics and democracy in Indonesia is dynamic and largely adaptive within the framework of the Pancasila state.

This article examines three major streams of Islamic political thought in Indonesia through a comparative analysis of the ideas of Mohammad Natsir, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, and Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur). Mohammad Natsir embodies the constitutional–integralist perspective, which seeks to formalize Islam as the foundation of the state by utilizing democratic mechanisms and constitutional political processes. In contrast, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir reflects a radical–ideological orientation that firmly rejects democracy and advocates the full implementation of Islamic Sharia through extra-constitutional and non-parliamentary movements. Meanwhile, Abdurrahman Wahid represents a substantive–cultural approach, opposing the formal institutionalization of Islam within the state while promoting Islamic values as ethical guidance for building a tolerant and pluralistic nation. The contrasting viewpoints of these three figures highlight the diversity of Islamic political discourse in Indonesia and illustrate the evolving interaction between religion and state. Overall, this study demonstrates how Islamic thought continues to adapt and remain relevant within Indonesia’s multicultural and democratic context.

The president's prerogative is a form of power inherent in the president's position as head of state. One form of this prerogative is the granting of abolition, which is the abolition of legal proceedings against a person or group of people who are or will undergo judicial proceedings. However, in its implementation, the president's authority to grant abolition is not absolute, but is limited by the applicable legal provisions and constitutional mechanisms. This study aims to analyze the limits of the president's power in exercising the prerogative in the form of abolition and review the juridical aspects that govern the procedure and its considerations. The research method used is normative juridical research with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. Data sources are obtained from relevant laws and regulations, legal literature, and scientific works. The results of the study show that the president's authority in granting abolition is regulated in Article 14 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, which requires the president to pay attention to the considerations of the House of Representatives (DPR). Thus, this authority is not an absolute prerogative, but is limited by the principle of checks and balances in the Indonesian constitutional system. The conclusion of this study emphasizes that the restriction is a form of constitutional supervision over the use of presidential power to remain in line with the principles of the rule of law and constitutional democracy

The implementation of local democracy in Indonesia faces challenges when the electoral and procedural mechanisms regulated in modern village administration are not fully in line with the socio-cultural traditions of indigenous communities. Many villages still strongly uphold the values, norms, and authority of traditional institutions that have historically regulated communal life, including in terms of leadership legitimacy. Tension between formal democracy and customary values arises when the village political process is perceived as not reflecting the cultural identity of the community. This situation creates a need to understand how the integration of customary institutions can strengthen the legitimacy of village leaders in the local democratic system. This study uses a literature review method with a content analysis approach because the study focuses on the concept of the role of customary institutions in strengthening local democracy and the legitimacy of village leadership. This method allows researchers to explore theories and compare previous findings to form a systematic understanding. The research data comes from 19 secondary sources in the form of scientific books and journal articles published between 2016 and 2025 that are relevant to the themes of customs, village governance, community participation, and local leadership. The search was conducted using the Publish or Perish application with purposive sampling techniques to select sources directly related to the main research issue. This study concludes that the integration of traditional institutions into local democracy produces a model of village leadership that is legally strong and culturally rooted. This integration provides a basis for strengthening local democracy based on cultural wisdom, thereby supporting village development.

The enforcement of election criminal law plays a crucial role in safeguarding democratic integrity and upholding the principle of popular sovereignty. Law Number 7 of 2017 establishes the Integrated Law Enforcement Center (Sentra Gakkumdu) as a coordinated mechanism involving the Election Supervisory Body, the Police, and the Prosecution Service in addressing election crimes. However, in practice, the Gakkumdu system has not fully ensured a balanced realization of legal certainty, substantive justice, and legal utility. This study aims to analyze the problems of election criminal law enforcement within the Gakkumdu system, examine the relevance of the Restorative Justice approach in election law, and formulate a reconstruction of election criminal law enforcement based on this approach. This research employs normative legal research using statutory, conceptual, legal philosophy, and legal policy approaches. The findings indicate that the weaknesses in election criminal law enforcement arise from institutional fragmentation, normative ambiguity, and a legal culture dominated by legalistic and sectoral perspectives. The Restorative Justice approach is considered relevant as it prioritizes substantive justice and the restoration of democratic values. Therefore, reconstructing election criminal law enforcement based on Restorative Justice is essential to strengthening democratic legitimacy and public trust in elections in Indonesia.

This study stems from a classic question in the study of political hadith regarding leadership, specifically the hadith "The Imams are from Quraysh," which is often understood textually as requiring leaders to be from the Quraysh tribe. This kind of understanding often stops at the normative and historical level, without considering the socio-political context of modern society, which is fundamentally different from the early Islamic era. As a result, a gap emerged between the moral message of the hadith and the reality of the leadership system in democratic countries like Indonesia. This research aims to reanalyse the meaning of hadiths about Quraysh and non-Quraysh leadership, and to trace their relevance to the concept of state leadership in the Indonesian constitutional system, placing Islamic political theory and modern leadership theory on an equal footing (theory = theory). This research employs a qualitative approach based on library research, with the primary sources being political hadiths and classical references such as al-Ahkam al-Sulthaniyyah by al-Mawardi, supplemented by contemporary literature on the modern Indonesian government system. The analysis was conducted using comparative methods and content analysis to explore the commonalities and differences between the concept of Imamah in Islam and leadership in modern democratic systems. The research findings indicate that the hadith about Quraysh leadership cannot be understood rigidly as a limitation of lineage, but rather as an ethical guideline emphasising the principles of justice, trust, responsibility, and public interest. The ethical values in the hadith align with the basic principles of the presidential system in Indonesia, such as public accountability, limitation of power, and popular sovereignty, as regulated in the 1945 Constitution. Despite challenges such as corruption, the politicisation of religion, and weak leadership morality, the values of the hadith remain relevant if translated into public norms and modern governance practices. This research confirms that leadership in Islam and Indonesian democracy can complement each other, with Islam providing a moral and spiritual foundation, while democracy offers the legal and political structure to realise it.

Demonstrations demanding the dissolution of the House of Representatives by 2025 highlight a crisis of public trust and serve as a key moment in Indonesia's political landscape. These protests have not only symbolic significance but also lead to elite repositioning, the temporary dismissal of several members, and the cessation of policy that increased benefits. This study examines how the crisis has prompted political institutional reconstruction and the role of civil society in influencing change. A descriptive qualitative approach was used, including literature studies, analysis of academic literature, official documents, and media reports. The findings indicate that actions by the House of Representatives, such as the rotation of Commission III leadership, member deactivation, and rejection of benefit increases, were primarily reactive to public pressure. The discussion reveals that while these actions reduce crisis escalation, they are cosmetic and do not address structural issues like legislative accountability and budget transparency. In conclusion, the 2025 protests provide an opportunity for civil society to engage politically outside elections, but the institutional changes made are short-term. Fundamental reform can only occur if civil movements remain consistent and if political parties and the government commit to reform.

State institutions play a primary role in governing and exercising power within a country. Indonesia, as a unitary state with a republican system, regulates the state's institutional structure through the 1945 Constitution, which serves as the supreme legal basis and guideline for state administration. The function of state institutions is to ensure that all aspects of government are implemented in accordance with the principles of law, justice, and public welfare. The state is not only considered a legal entity but also a social entity with specific functions and logic. The state's objectives are directed at balancing government power and citizen rights and accommodating the interests of individuals and the wider community. Following the amendments to the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia's institutional system underwent significant changes with the establishment of independent institutions that strengthen democracy, transparency, and accountability. Understanding the state's foundations, the requirements for formation, the form and system of government, and the relationships between institutions is crucial for maintaining Indonesia's constitutional order. Furthermore, public respect for state symbols and institutions contributes to strengthening unity and political stability, and realizing the ideals of a sovereign and prosperous nation.

This study examines the dynamics of public criticism of Shin Tae-yong's dismissal by PSSI as a phenomenon of digital communication that shows the tension between freedom of expression and the legal limits of hate speech. The background of this research stems from the intensity of netizens' reactions, which developed into collective moral pressure and had the potential to enter the realm of insults and hostility, as reflected in various comments, news reports, and verbal disputes involving public figures. This study aims to analyze how criticism, media framing, and netizen responses interact with the regulations of the ITE Law, particularly Article 28 paragraph (2), which is often used in reporting hate speech. The methods used are a normative juridical approach and case studies with document analysis, news reports, and academic literature techniques to identify patterns of digital expression and their legal relevance. The results of the study show that public criticism of Shin Tae-yong not only reflects performance evaluation, but also contains emotional, social identity, and moral dimensions that are reinforced by media framing and digital culture. The discussion confirms that the shift from criticism to hate speech occurs when public expression is not managed ethically, while law enforcement on hate speech articles still faces interpretation problems. In conclusion, this verbal dispute reflects the complexity of Indonesia's digital democracy and the urgency of legal reform

For the general public, Indonesia’s five-year electoral cycle is often perceived merely as a procedural voting event, overlooking the substance and quality of how voters select presidential or regional leaders. Following the 2024 General Election, the challenges of democracy have shifted from technical management to the prevention of polarization, money politics, digital disinformation, identity politics, and echo chambers. This article analyzes the urgency of implementing sustainable voter education during the inter-election period, using the General Election Commission (KPU) of Balikpapan City as a case study. The study focuses on KPU Balikpapan’s strategies to transform pragmatic voters, who are susceptible to manipulation, into informed participants, while also addressing the vulnerabilities of first-time voters ahead of the 2029 Election to increase participation rates. The analysis indicates that political education during the non-election period is a critical moment to build the cognitive foundation of voters without compromising their independent choice, making the role of KPU Balikpapan essential in maintaining democratic integrity in the city.

This study investigates the influence of Apparatus Competency and Information Systems on Community Political Participation in the Local Government Head Election during the COVID-19 pandemic era in Karawang Regency. The COVID-19 pandemic has posed significant challenges to democratic processes, particularly in maintaining voter participation while ensuring public health safety. Employing a mixed-methods approach combining quantitative and qualitative data with Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) analysis, this research analyzed data from 263 respondents across various election administrative units. The results indicate that: (1) Apparatus Competency does not have a significant positive effect on Community Political Participation (T-value = 1.01 < 1.96); (2) Information Systems have a significant positive effect on Community Political Participation (T-value = 2.78 > 1.96; path coefficient = 0.67). The combined contribution of both variables explains 76% of the variance in political participation. From these findings, the study proposes the Skills Democracy Model, emphasizing that digital information skills and organizational experience are critical determinants of democratic participation quality during pandemic conditions. These findings have significant implications for election governance reform and e-democracy development in Indonesia.

The culture of patronage is a key characteristic of Indonesian political dynamics, having developed from the pre-colonial era to the contemporary democratic era. Despite decentralization and political reforms in Indonesia, patronage practices persist through relationships between political elites, bureaucracy, business actors, and communities, particularly at the local level. This study analyzes patronage using Pierre Bourdieu's Social Practice Theory framework, which emphasizes the interaction between habitus, capital, and the arena as factors shaping social practices. The method used is descriptive qualitative research with data collection techniques through desk studies, which allows researchers to examine various academic literature to build a comprehensive conceptual analysis. The research findings indicate that internalized political habitus, the accumulation of economic, social, cultural, and symbolic capital, and a competitive local political field are key elements in perpetuating patronage. Patronage is not merely a transactional political practice, but a social structure that is continuously reproduced and impacts the politicization of bureaucracy, the strengthening of oligarchy, power inequality, and the vulnerability of the poor to political manipulation. This research confirms that efforts to strengthen democracy in Indonesia require transformation of the political habitus of society, bureaucratic reform, and restrictions on the dominance of economic actors in the political arena to break the entrenched patron-client chain.

This study aims to analyze the supervisory strategy of the Panwascam (Central Election Supervisory Agency) of Sinjai Borong District in handling election violations in the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Elections in Sinjai Regency. The study focuses on two main aspects, namely preventive strategies and repressive strategies. The research method uses a qualitative approach with case studies, through in-depth interviews, observation, documentation, and interactive data analysis. The results show that the Panwascam's preventive strategies include socialization of election regulations, political education, and strengthening coordination with village officials and community leaders. This strategy has been proven to increase regulatory understanding among lower-level election organizers and public political awareness, especially first-time voters. Meanwhile, the repressive strategy is implemented through violation handling mechanisms, preparing legal recommendations, and summoning perpetrators and witnesses. Based on field findings, the Panwascam successfully handled one case of violation of ASN neutrality that was recommended to the Regency Bawaslu. This study concludes that the supervision of the Sinjai Borong Panwascam is relatively effective, although it still faces limited resources, low public legal literacy, and strong local political patronage. The results of this study provide a conceptual contribution to strengthening the community-based electoral supervision model, which integrates regulatory, educational, and collaborative aspects. They also serve as practical recommendations for improving the quality of electoral democracy at the local level.

The dominance of the political party elite (oligarchy) in Indonesia's representative democracy system has shifted the meaning and implementation of the constituent recall doctrine. Although Article 1 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution affirms that sovereignty resides with the people, in practice the recall mechanism is not a constituent right, but rather the exclusive authority of political parties. This study uses a normative legal method with a legislative, conceptual, and comparative approach. The research data was obtained from primary legal materials (the 1945 Constitution, Law Number 2 of 2008 concerning Political Parties, Law Number 2 of 2011 on Amendments to Law Number 2 of 2008 on Political Parties, Law Number 7 of 2017 on General Elections,  Law Number 17 of 2014 on the MPR, DPR, DPD, DPRD (MD3), as well as secondary legal materials in the form of books, scientific journals, and opinions of constitutional law experts. The results of the study show conceptual reduction, namely the transfer of the people's right to revoke the mandate of their representatives to the parties, and categorical reduction, namely the narrowing of the function of recall to an internal party disciplinary tool. The applicable regulations, particularly MD3 Law, give excessive privileges to political parties, thereby severing the substantive relationship between representatives and constituents. This study proposes a participatory and accountable constituent recall   model, with the right of initiative in the hands of the people through public petitions, verification by an independent institution, and a final decision through a real election.

This study aims to identify and analyze the leadership style of the Cilampunghilir Village Head in implementing village governance. The study used a descriptive qualitative approach, with data collected through interviews, observation, and documentation. Informants were selected purposively, including the village head, village secretary, village officials, hamlet heads, and relevant community leaders. Data analysis was conducted using an interactive model that included data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing. The results show that the village head's leadership style tends to be democratic and participatory. The village head emphasizes collective decision-making by prioritizing consensus through deliberation and encouraging citizen involvement in every step of governance. In decision-making, the village head strives to involve the wider community so that policy outcomes are well-received. In terms of motivation, the village head actively provides encouragement, rewards, and builds reciprocal cooperation with village officials and residents. He recognizes the importance of appreciation and trust in order to build a cooperative work environment. Furthermore, in communication, the village head is known for being open, accessible, and willing to listen to the aspirations of villagers. In terms of controlling subordinates, the village head provides clear direction, delegates tasks according to competence, and enforces discipline to ensure the smooth implementation of village programs. This indicates a leadership style that balances authority with empowerment. However, the study also identified several weaknesses, including a lack of representation of marginalized groups, low frequency of outreach activities, and unequal access to information. Therefore, it is recommended that deliberation forums be strengthened with a more inclusive approach, diversified outreach methods through the use of digital channels, and increased transparency be implemented to optimize village governance.

This research is entitled "Socialization of the General Election Commission in Increasing Voter Participation in the 2024 Regent and Deputy Regent Election of Ciamis Regency (Case Study in Ciamis District)". The focus of this research is to determine how the implementation of socialization carried out by the General Election Commission (KPU) of Ciamis Regency in an effort to increase public participation in the 2024 Regent and Deputy Regent Election, especially in the Ciamis District area. The research method used is descriptive qualitative with a case study approach. Data collection techniques include in-depth interviews with related parties, direct observation of socialization activities, and collection of supporting documentation. The data obtained are analyzed qualitatively through the process of data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. The results of the study indicate that the Ciamis Regency KPU carried out socialization by referring to the Theory of Three Elements of Socialization proposed by Haryanto (2018) in the book Political Socialization: An Initial Understanding. The three elements include: Socialization Agents, namely parties who play a role in conveying information, such as KPU officers, District Election Committees (PPK), and community leaders, Socialization Materials, including information regarding election stages, voting procedures, the importance of voting rights, and the role of the community in maintaining democracy, Socialization Methods, which are carried out through face-to-face meetings, leaflet distribution, banner installation, social media, and community-based activities. Although socialization activities have been carried out in a planned manner and involved various media, research results indicate that their implementation has not been optimal. Some obstacles found include limited reach to all levels of society, minimal participation in socialization activities, and a lack of innovation in information delivery methods. In conclusion, the socialization carried out by the Ciamis Regency KPU for the 2024 Regent and Deputy Regent Election has been running but needs to be increased in intensity, creativity, and equal distribution of targets so that voter participation can be maximized.

The enactment of Law No. 1 of 2023 concerning the Criminal Code (KUHP) has brought a number of controversies, one of which is related to the revival of provisions regarding the criminal act of insulting the President and Vice President. This article aims to critically examine these provisions in the perspective of the freedom of expression guaranteed by the Indonesian constitution and international human rights instruments. This research uses a normative juridical approach with an analysis of the norms in the new Criminal Code, the 1945 Constitution, as well as international treaties such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The results of the study show that although the provision of insulting the President in the Criminal Code is only referred to as a complaint offense and is framed to protect the dignity of state institutions, the provision still has the potential to limit freedom of opinion excessively. In addition to risking opening a loophole for criminalization of legitimate public criticism, this rule also has the potential to contradict the principles of non-discrimination and accountability of public officials in a democratic country. Therefore, an in-depth evaluation of the formulation of norms and their application is needed so that they do not conflict with the spirit of democracy and the protection of human rights.   Keywords: , , , , .

Law constitutes a set of rules that must be obeyed and implemented by every individual. The concept of law-making forms part of the broader meaning of legal politics, serving as a guideline for the governance of the state and the life of society. Law is a necessity for all components of the nation and the state to create security and order, thereby providing a sense of justice. General elections (Pemilu) conducted directly by the people, from the people, and for the people serve as a means of manifesting sovereignty for the state to produce a democratic government based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. The administration of general elections direct, free, universal, and secret must be carried out honestly and fairly, capable of realizing national integration, professionalism, and accountability in order to position the people as the primary holder of sovereignty. This study employs a normative juridical legal research method with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. The results of this research indicate that the legal concept concerning general elections depends on legal politics, which acts as a determining activity in the pattern and formation of election legislation designed to oversee and renew that law as a determination of politics related to democracy in the country. This study aims to ascertain the impact of the implementation of legal politics in the post-reform general election system and represents an existence of legal politics within Indonesia’s legal enforcement system.

This article discusses the judicial intervention that occurred in the 2024 Presidential and Vice Presidential Election in Indonesia, focusing on the Constitutional Court Decision No.90/PUU - XXI/2023. The study aims to analyze the impact of this decision on the political process, judicial ethics, and the quality of democracy in Indonesia. The method used is a qualitative approach with literature study. The findings indicate that judicial intervention can undermine the rule of law and public trust in the judiciary. There are also indications of a conflict of interest involving the Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court, which could violate democratic principles. Reforms in the oversight and selection of judges are proposed as steps to uphold constitutional integrity and strengthen democracy in Indonesia.

The role and responsibilities of Regional Regulations differ based on the principles and practices stated in the Constitution/UUD and the Regional Government Law. This role is important in ensuring that every regional legal product produced has good substantive and procedural quality. The purpose of this study is to determine and analyze the existence of the Gorontalo Regional Office of the Ministry of Law in improving the quality of regional legal products produced. The method used in this study is an empirical research type, namely legal research based on the reality that researchers obtain in accordance with data in the field. The Gorontalo Regional Office of Law also pays attention to the principle of public participation. In every mentoring process, the regional government involves the community and stakeholders in the preparation of regional regulations. This is an embodiment of the principle of democracy in a state of law, where the law does not only come from above (top-down), but also from below (bottom-up). This strengthens the legitimacy of the law in the eyes of the community and ensures the sustainability of the implementation of these regulations. The existence of the Gorontalo Regional Office of the Ministry of Law plays a central role in efforts to improve the quality of regional legal products. Through the functions of harmonization, consultation, and legal education that are continuously carried out to local governments and stakeholders, the Regional Office contributes greatly to ensuring that every regional regulation produced meets formal legal aspects, but also reflects justice.