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Following the amendments to the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia has consistently chosen to implement a Presidential system of government. This system carries its own complexities, and consequently, many presidential systems have failed to withstand the test of democratic stability in the countries that adopt them. It can be said that only the United States (US) serves as a best practice for the successful implementation of a presidential system. Therefore, in order to build an effective form of presidentialism for Indonesia, it is imperative to examine the practices in the US. Among these, Indonesia's party system should be considered for adaptation to the US model, which divides parties into recognized political parties and limited political parties. Under this model, only two parties are designated as recognized political parties and permitted to participate in general elections, while the remainder become limited political parties that do not contest elections. As a consequence, the resulting cabinet would no longer be a "rainbow" coalition cabinet, thereby ensuring greater governmental stability. Similarly, the parliamentary landscape would become more focused on two parties, without the formation of various coalitions.

For the general public, Indonesia’s five-year electoral cycle is often perceived merely as a procedural voting event, overlooking the substance and quality of how voters select presidential or regional leaders. Following the 2024 General Election, the challenges of democracy have shifted from technical management to the prevention of polarization, money politics, digital disinformation, identity politics, and echo chambers. This article analyzes the urgency of implementing sustainable voter education during the inter-election period, using the General Election Commission (KPU) of Balikpapan City as a case study. The study focuses on KPU Balikpapan’s strategies to transform pragmatic voters, who are susceptible to manipulation, into informed participants, while also addressing the vulnerabilities of first-time voters ahead of the 2029 Election to increase participation rates. The analysis indicates that political education during the non-election period is a critical moment to build the cognitive foundation of voters without compromising their independent choice, making the role of KPU Balikpapan essential in maintaining democratic integrity in the city.

This research aims to normatively analyze the legal basis, rationality, and implications of the presidential threshold on the multi-party system and the principle of electoral justice in Indonesia, with a focus on Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013. Thru a normative legal approach, this research examines the provisions of Article 222 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections and the Constitutional Court's constitutional arguments in maintaining the presidential nomination threshold. The analysis results show that although formally the presidential threshold is an open and legitimate legal policy, it substantially creates political inequality and limits the participation of small parties in the multi-party system. The Constitutional Court's decision is considered not fully reflective of the principles of electoral justice and popular sovereignty, as it prioritizes government stability over political equality. Therefore, it is necessary to reformulate the presidential candidacy threshold policy to make it more proportional, inclusive, and aligned with the principles of constitutional democracy. This reform is expected to strengthen the legitimacy of Indonesia's presidential system without neglecting the fundamental values of justice and political representation of the people.  

Political participation is an important aspect in a democratic state structure, as well as a characteristic feature of political modernization. Political participation influences the legitimacy of society regarding the running of a government. One way of implementing political participation is through General Elections (Pemilu). The aim of this research is to determine the influence of presidential candidate debate broadcasts on multi-platform broadcast media on the political participation of FISIP UMJ student class of 2020. This research has an independent variable, namely presidential candidate debate broadcasts with the dimensions of frequency, attention and duration, and has a dependent variable, namely providing voting rights in elections, lobbying with officials, becoming a member of a political party. This research method uses a survey method by distributing questionnaires online to respondents via Google Form which aims to collect data from a sample of 2020 FISIP UMJ students who actively watch presidential candidate debates and know about political participation, with a total of 66 respondents selected. The data collection tool uses a questionnaire using a Likert Scale. The results of this research show that the presidential debate broadcast has an influence on political participation, which has a value of 0.736 or 73.6%, which means that the presidential debate broadcast influences political participation by 73.6% and the rest is influenced by other factors.

This research discusses the Constitutional Court Decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 regarding the minimum age requirement for presidential and vice-presidential candidates as stipulated in Article 169 letter q of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. In that decision, the Constitutional Court ruled that the age limit of 40 years remains in effect, but with an exception for candidates who are not yet 40 years old but have previously or are currently serving as regional heads. This research employs a normative juridical method with legislative and conceptual approaches, analyzing primary legal materials such as the 1945 Constitution, Election Law, and Constitutional Court decisions, supported by secondary legal materials from academic literature and journals. The research findings indicate that the Constitutional Court's considerations are based on the principles of citizens' constitutional rights, open legal policy, and the idea of leadership experience as an alternative age requirement. This decision has positive implications, including opportunities for leadership regeneration and increased political participation by young people, but it also draws criticism for its potential to discriminate against non-regional leaders and create political suspicion. Therefore, a revision of the Election Law is needed to clarify the legal norms resulting from the Constitutional Court's decision so that it does not lead to multiple interpretations and maintains the principle of equality. This research concludes that the Constitutional Court's decision is an opportunity to strengthen democracy, but also a challenge in ensuring constitutional justice in Indonesia.

This research examines the design of simultaneous elections in Indonesia as its main research object, a crucial discourse spurred by the persistent inefficiencies of a separated election model that produced divided governments. The discourse is marked by the shifting jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court (MK). The primary problem addressed is the Court’s jurisprudential inconsistency, which creates significant legal uncertainty for election organizers and political actors. Therefore, the objective of this research is to critically analyze the evolution of the Court's rulings on this matter and their impact on its shifting role into a positive legislator. This study employs a normative-juridical method, focusing on the doctrinal analysis of primary legal materials, particularly the series of relevant Constitutional Court rulings. The analysis reveals an inconsistent jurisprudential journey, starting from an activist stance that imposed a five-ballot simultaneous model through Ruling 14/PUU-XI/2013, with the aim of strengthening the presidential system. Then, in response to the systemic chaos and humanitarian costs of the 2019 election, the Court retreated to an "open legal policy" doctrine in Ruling 55/PUU-XVII/2019, exhibiting judicial self-restraint by deferring the choice of an alternative model to the legislature. Finally, it abandoned this position in a final interventionist decision, Decicion 135/PUU-XXII/2024, which stipulated a specific model separating national and regional elections. The main finding confirms that this latest ruling positions the MK as a positive legislator, significantly overstepping its traditional judicial authority. It is concluded that although the final ruling substantively produces a more rational election design, its inconsistent formation process has fundamentally undermined the principles of legal certainty and the balance of powers, thereby creating a problematic precedent for the future of Indonesia's constitutional governance.

This study examines the constitutional position of the President and Vice President in Indonesia following the four amendments to the 1945 Constitution between 1999 and 2002, focusing on how these reforms reshaped executive authority and accountability. It addresses the problem of excessive presidential dominance and unclear vice-presidential functions under the New Order regime, with research objectives to analyze the institutional, authority, accountability, and relational dimensions of the amended constitutional framework. Employing a normative doctrinal method through statute and conceptual approaches, the study analyzes primary legal texts, scholarly articles, and tertiary materials using descriptive-analytical techniques. The main findings reveal that the introduction of direct joint elections, strict two-term limits, impeachment mechanisms, and the establishment of the Constitutional Court significantly strengthened checks and balances, clarified the Vice President’s supportive and succession roles, and redistributed legislative powers to the DPR. These reforms created a more balanced separation of powers and enhanced democratic legitimacy while also highlighting emerging challenges in institutional capture and democratic backsliding. In conclusion, Indonesia’s gradualist constitutional reform successfully transformed an authoritarian executive into a more accountable presidential system, though ongoing vigilance and potential further amendments are necessary to consolidate democratic gains.

Based on the research background, it analyzes the effectiveness of utilizing the Recapitulation System application in the simultaneous 2024 general election process in Hegarsari Village, Pataruman District, Banjar City (Case study on the Presidential & Vice Presidential and Legislative elections). This research method uses descriptive qualitative with data collection techniques through interviews, observations, and documentation. The research results show that the effectiveness of utilizing the Recapitulation System application in the simultaneous 2024 general election process in Hegarsari Village, Pataruman District, Banjar City is not yet optimal, as it is hindered by network system issues, the inability of the recapitulation application to fully read the numerical text on Form C due to inaccurate scanning, and many KPPS members still lacking the ability to operate the recapitulation application. This research contributes to expanding the understanding of the practical benefits of the effectiveness of using the Sirekap application in the simultaneous general election process in 2024.

Disinformation in digital elections has emerged as a serious challenge to democracy in Indonesia, particularly when its dissemination involves cross-border actors and platforms. This phenomenon not only diminishes the quality of political participation and public trust in election outcomes, but also poses a threat to the state's information sovereignty. This study aims to identify the dominant forms of disinformation during the 2019 Presidential Election and leading up to the 2024 election, while analyzing their impact on democratic stability and Indonesia’s position in the global context. The findings indicate that political disinformation is systematically spread through social media by networks of domestic buzzers and anonymous accounts suspected to be connected with transnational actors. The consequences include heightened societal polarization, the delegitimization of electoral institutions, and increasing non-military foreign interference in domestic politics. These findings underscore the urgent need for more adaptive national strategies and international cooperation in establishing fair, transparent, and sovereignty-respecting information governance frameworks in democratic states.    

This research analyzes the Constitutional Court Decision Number 62/PPU-XXII/2024 regarding the constitutionality of the presidential threshold and its implications for the development of inclusive democracy in Indonesia. Using a juridical-normative and conceptual approach, this study examines the presidential threshold provisions as regulated in Article 222 of Law Number 7 of 2017 on General Elections from the perspective of inclusive democracy theory and electoral systems. The results show that the Constitutional Court affirmed the constitutionality of the presidential threshold as an open legal policy of the legislators, while also noting that lawmakers should reconsider the threshold percentage in future revisions of the Election Law. This research identifies a tension between two equally important democratic values: government effectiveness and political representation. On one hand, the presidential threshold can strengthen the presidential system by encouraging political party consolidation and creating more stable governance. On the other hand, this provision potentially limits political inclusivity by reducing the diversity of choices for voters and restricting opportunities for small or new political parties to nominate presidential and vice-presidential candidates independently. This study concludes that to realize a more inclusive democracy following the Constitutional Court Decision, further efforts are needed to reform the electoral system, strengthen political parties, enhance political education, and develop innovations in political participation.

Young women's political participation is the main focus in the context of inclusive and representative democracy. However, there are significant challenges in encouraging their participation in the political process, especially in general elections such as the 2024 Presidential Election. Although young women have great potential to influence the outcome of general elections, factors such as their political orientation can influence their level of participation. This research uses qualitative methods with a case study approach to understand the influence of political orientation on the political participation of young women, especially PPKn Stambuk 2023 students. The focus of this research is to explore the perspectives, experiences and views of female students regarding their participation in the 2024 presidential election. Political orientation refers to views , attitudes, and individual values ​​towards politics, which can greatly influence young women's political participation. In the context of the 2024 presidential election, young women's political orientation can influence how they decide to get involved in the political process, such as voting, campaigning or political discussions. Young women with a strong and informed political orientation tend to be more active in participating because they feel that their participation can make a difference. In contrast, young women with a weak or apathetic political orientation may be less involved due to a lack of belief that their participation will have an impact.    

This study uses a qualitative methodology and secondary source data to investigate election cheating and its impact on Nigeria's democratic consolidation. It will be examined using historical and content analysis. examination. Nigerian democracy's progress has been severely hampered by election tampering. According to the report, e-election holds enormous promise and might be the solution to voter fraud in Nigeria's electoral system provided it is properly deployed and funded. It starts by looking at the constitutional, legal, and theoretical underpinnings of electronic voting. Second, it examines the real-world obstacles to the adoption and deployment of an electronic voting system in Nigeria by learning from other countries. Nigeria's elections have fallen short of expectations thus far because of a variety of electoral manipulations that have prevented the nation from holding legitimate, free, and fair elections within her political system. In addition to undermining Nigeria's democratic consolidation, election cheating has breached the fundamental human right (right to lives) of a large number of Nigerians. This essay offers some crucial suggestions that could solve the issues of election tampering and explain how those actions can support the need for a democratic atmosphere,

As the 2024 presidential election approaches, mass media widely disseminate information about presidential and vice-presidential candidates. The registration period, from October 19 to 25, 2023, became a major political event that attracted extensive media attention. Ideally, media outlets should report political events independently, without external influence. However, Sindonews.com shows signs of organizational influence in its coverage of the candidate registration process. This study examines the factors shaping news coverage using the Media Content Hierarchy Theory by Shoemaker & Reese (1996), which identifies five levels of influence: individual, media routines, organizational, extramedia, and ideological. Through a qualitative case study method, employing in-depth interviews, documentation, and observation, the findings reveal that organizational influence is the dominant factor affecting Sindonews.com's reporting. This is largely due to its affiliation with Harry Tanoesoedibjo, who owns Sindonews.com and leads Partai Perindo, a party that supported Ganjar Pranowo and Mahfud MD in the 2024 election. Consequently, the media coverage reflected this political alignment, underscoring how ownership and political affiliations impact journalistic objectivity in Indonesia’s digital news landscape.

This study aims to analyze the views of FISIP UPN “Veteran” Jakarta students regarding the “Desak Anies” campaign and its influence on public attitudes and opinions in the context of the 2024 presidential election. The campaign specifically targets young voters through an issue-based dialog approach. The research used mixed methods by combining qualitative and quantitative data obtained from respondents. The survey results showed that 88.5% of students were aware of the campaign, with 83.4% of them supporting the initiative, while 16.6% disagreed. Social media became the main platform for disseminating campaign information, which influenced students' views on the initiative. The campaign was appreciated for being participatory and considered relevant to students' interests and concerns, thus helping to increase their political awareness. This research expands insights into how campaigns targeting young people can influence their political views. Based on the findings, the research recommends that future political campaigns intensify direct engagement with voters through interactive discussion forums. This approach is considered effective in increasing young people's political participation in future elections.

The Constitutional Court is a judicial institution in Indonesia which was established on August 13, 2003. The Constitutional Court has the authority regulated in article 24C of the 1945 Constitution and Law Number 24 of 2003 concerning the Constitutional Court which was later updated to Law Number 8 of 2011. The Constitutional Court has a principle in making a decision on the material test of the law against the Constitution, which applies to everyone, final, independent and impartial. The Constitutional Court's (MK) decision regarding the age limit for presidential and vice presidential candidates (presidential and vice presidential candidates) in Case Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 continues to reap pros and cons. In the decision, the Constitutional Court granted part of the application that tested Article 169 letter q of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. This study aims to identify and analyze disputes over the Constitutional Court Decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 concerning the material test of article 169 letter q of Law number 7 of 2017 concerning general elections in terms of juridical aspects. The research method used is a literature study of the Constitutional Court decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 with a focus on normative legal analysis. The results of the study show that the Constitutional Court's decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 is formally inconsistent with Law Number 49 of 2009 concerning Judicial Power and Constitutional Court Regulation No. 2/PMK/2021.

The Presidential Threshold is a rule that sets the minimum threshold percentage of votes that a political party is required to achieve, in order to nominate or carry presidential and vice presidential candidates in the election contestation. This system is designed to filter out candidates who are considered qualified, the hope is that only candidates with high electability levels can run. However, its implementation is often a source of controversy because it is considered to hamper potential candidates from small parties or independents who may have quality, but are less known to the public. As a result, the dominance of major parties in the presidential candidacy limits people's choices and does not reflect the existing political diversity. In the Indonesian system of government, where the president and the DPR are independent institutions, the Presidential threshold system is considered incompatible with the principles of inclusive and representative democracy. This provision was first implemented through Article 5 paragraph (5) of Law Number 23 Year 2003 on the General Election of the President and Vice President, and has continued to be used in subsequent presidential elections. This article focuses on the effectiveness of the Presidential Threshold in the Indonesian political context and its impact on political participation, democratic representation, and constitutional law.

This study aims to analyze the relationship between the sociological, psychological, and rational behaviors of retired members of the Indonesian Army (TNI AD) towards their presidential choices in the 2024 general elections in Kupang City. By focusing on these three behavioral aspects, the research seeks to uncover how these factors influence the political decisions of retired TNI AD personnel when determining their presidential candidate preferences. The research employs a quantitative approach, collecting data through questionnaires distributed to retired TNI AD respondents. Data analysis is conducted using the chi-square technique to evaluate the significant relationships between the sociological, psychological, and rational behaviors and presidential choices. The study involves a sample of respondents representing the retired TNI AD population in Kupang City. The analysis results indicate a significant relationship between the sociological, psychological, and rational behaviors of retired TNI AD personnel and their presidential choices in the 2024 elections. Sociological behavior, which includes ethnic identity and social involvement, significantly affects political preferences, while psychological behavior related to emotional closeness to supporting parties also shows a noteworthy impact. Additionally, rational behavior, which assesses the alignment of candidates' programs with voters' needs, influences decisions, highlighting the importance of these three aspects in the electoral choices of retired TNI AD personnel.

Judicial reviews on the presidential and vice-presidential nomination threshold in Article 222 of Law No. 7/2017 on General Elections have been repeatedly rejected by the Constitutional Court. It has become a public debate and is seen as contrary to academic reasoning because it is not in line with the logic of democracy. Rules that are considered detrimental to the community and political parties in the election of the head of state. Accordingly, the study of fiqh siyasah clarifies the prerequisites for the election system and the selection of the imam (caliph). The purpose of this study is to find out how the legal considerations by the Constitutional Court rejected the judicial review in Article 222 and to find out what the views of Islamic jurisprudence are on the presidential and vice-presidential nomination threshold rules in general elections. The author of this work employs normative legal research methodologies in addressing relevant research, drawing on legislation, journal articles, books, and other sources. This study concludes by using 4 decisions that were rejected by the constitutional court, namely in decisions 53/puu-xv/2017, 49/puu-xvi/2018, 54/puu-xvi/2018 and decision number 73/puu-xx/2022. The considerations of the court stated that the decision related to the presidential threshold was constitutional and still applicable. That the article being tested is considered contrary to the constitution, especially Article 6A of the 1945 Constitution with the argument that the petitioners cannot change the Constitutional Court's stance on all decisions.  Meanwhile, in the view of fiqh siyasah does not recognize how the provisions of the vote threshold for the election of an imam.    

The Recapitulation Information System, known as SIREKAP, launched by the General Election Commission of the Republic of Indonesia, is an election tool based on the latest technology to receive and manage manual vote counting of general election results which are converted into digital data. The Recapitulation Information System (SIREKAP) is the starting point in the process of transitioning election administration from manual to digital, which will ensure that elections in Indonesia can be held effectively and efficiently in the future, so that elections and democracy will look better. Through SIREKAP, this long process can be shortened, costs can be reduced, disputes can be extended and resolved more quickly, and elections can be conducted in a more environmentally friendly manner. However, this has many challenges and risks that must be taken seriously. SIREKAP is also vulnerable to election data security problems due to system hacking or data manipulation which could endanger the integrity of election results, especially in the 2024 General Election for Presidential and Vice Presidential Candidates.

Democracy is a political system that is widely used by many countries in the world, including Indonesia. Elections are something that is closely related to democracy. So it has a series of presidential elections, regional head elections and legislative elections. In its development, regional elections have become a magnet that attracts many parties to conduct research. On the basis that there will be good development in a democratic manner with regional elections as an integral part of the regional autonomy system. Thus, there is great hope that the results of the regional elections will create equitable development with the assumption that regional money management will be maximized. It's just that that's not what happened, so we tried to carry out a simple study about development based on representation of support, not because of the needs of the area. This then happened in Lamongan, where there was a development gap, the Pantura area saw more massive development than the development in the South Lamongan area.