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The enforcement of election criminal law plays a crucial role in safeguarding democratic integrity and upholding the principle of popular sovereignty. Law Number 7 of 2017 establishes the Integrated Law Enforcement Center (Sentra Gakkumdu) as a coordinated mechanism involving the Election Supervisory Body, the Police, and the Prosecution Service in addressing election crimes. However, in practice, the Gakkumdu system has not fully ensured a balanced realization of legal certainty, substantive justice, and legal utility. This study aims to analyze the problems of election criminal law enforcement within the Gakkumdu system, examine the relevance of the Restorative Justice approach in election law, and formulate a reconstruction of election criminal law enforcement based on this approach. This research employs normative legal research using statutory, conceptual, legal philosophy, and legal policy approaches. The findings indicate that the weaknesses in election criminal law enforcement arise from institutional fragmentation, normative ambiguity, and a legal culture dominated by legalistic and sectoral perspectives. The Restorative Justice approach is considered relevant as it prioritizes substantive justice and the restoration of democratic values. Therefore, reconstructing election criminal law enforcement based on Restorative Justice is essential to strengthening democratic legitimacy and public trust in elections in Indonesia.

Demonstrations demanding the dissolution of the House of Representatives by 2025 highlight a crisis of public trust and serve as a key moment in Indonesia's political landscape. These protests have not only symbolic significance but also lead to elite repositioning, the temporary dismissal of several members, and the cessation of policy that increased benefits. This study examines how the crisis has prompted political institutional reconstruction and the role of civil society in influencing change. A descriptive qualitative approach was used, including literature studies, analysis of academic literature, official documents, and media reports. The findings indicate that actions by the House of Representatives, such as the rotation of Commission III leadership, member deactivation, and rejection of benefit increases, were primarily reactive to public pressure. The discussion reveals that while these actions reduce crisis escalation, they are cosmetic and do not address structural issues like legislative accountability and budget transparency. In conclusion, the 2025 protests provide an opportunity for civil society to engage politically outside elections, but the institutional changes made are short-term. Fundamental reform can only occur if civil movements remain consistent and if political parties and the government commit to reform.

This study examines the dynamics of public criticism of Shin Tae-yong's dismissal by PSSI as a phenomenon of digital communication that shows the tension between freedom of expression and the legal limits of hate speech. The background of this research stems from the intensity of netizens' reactions, which developed into collective moral pressure and had the potential to enter the realm of insults and hostility, as reflected in various comments, news reports, and verbal disputes involving public figures. This study aims to analyze how criticism, media framing, and netizen responses interact with the regulations of the ITE Law, particularly Article 28 paragraph (2), which is often used in reporting hate speech. The methods used are a normative juridical approach and case studies with document analysis, news reports, and academic literature techniques to identify patterns of digital expression and their legal relevance. The results of the study show that public criticism of Shin Tae-yong not only reflects performance evaluation, but also contains emotional, social identity, and moral dimensions that are reinforced by media framing and digital culture. The discussion confirms that the shift from criticism to hate speech occurs when public expression is not managed ethically, while law enforcement on hate speech articles still faces interpretation problems. In conclusion, this verbal dispute reflects the complexity of Indonesia's digital democracy and the urgency of legal reform

State institutions play a primary role in governing and exercising power within a country. Indonesia, as a unitary state with a republican system, regulates the state's institutional structure through the 1945 Constitution, which serves as the supreme legal basis and guideline for state administration. The function of state institutions is to ensure that all aspects of government are implemented in accordance with the principles of law, justice, and public welfare. The state is not only considered a legal entity but also a social entity with specific functions and logic. The state's objectives are directed at balancing government power and citizen rights and accommodating the interests of individuals and the wider community. Following the amendments to the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia's institutional system underwent significant changes with the establishment of independent institutions that strengthen democracy, transparency, and accountability. Understanding the state's foundations, the requirements for formation, the form and system of government, and the relationships between institutions is crucial for maintaining Indonesia's constitutional order. Furthermore, public respect for state symbols and institutions contributes to strengthening unity and political stability, and realizing the ideals of a sovereign and prosperous nation.

This study stems from a classic question in the study of political hadith regarding leadership, specifically the hadith "The Imams are from Quraysh," which is often understood textually as requiring leaders to be from the Quraysh tribe. This kind of understanding often stops at the normative and historical level, without considering the socio-political context of modern society, which is fundamentally different from the early Islamic era. As a result, a gap emerged between the moral message of the hadith and the reality of the leadership system in democratic countries like Indonesia. This research aims to reanalyse the meaning of hadiths about Quraysh and non-Quraysh leadership, and to trace their relevance to the concept of state leadership in the Indonesian constitutional system, placing Islamic political theory and modern leadership theory on an equal footing (theory = theory). This research employs a qualitative approach based on library research, with the primary sources being political hadiths and classical references such as al-Ahkam al-Sulthaniyyah by al-Mawardi, supplemented by contemporary literature on the modern Indonesian government system. The analysis was conducted using comparative methods and content analysis to explore the commonalities and differences between the concept of Imamah in Islam and leadership in modern democratic systems. The research findings indicate that the hadith about Quraysh leadership cannot be understood rigidly as a limitation of lineage, but rather as an ethical guideline emphasising the principles of justice, trust, responsibility, and public interest. The ethical values in the hadith align with the basic principles of the presidential system in Indonesia, such as public accountability, limitation of power, and popular sovereignty, as regulated in the 1945 Constitution. Despite challenges such as corruption, the politicisation of religion, and weak leadership morality, the values of the hadith remain relevant if translated into public norms and modern governance practices. This research confirms that leadership in Islam and Indonesian democracy can complement each other, with Islam providing a moral and spiritual foundation, while democracy offers the legal and political structure to realise it.

The transformation of political communication in the digital era has fundamentally altered the ways political parties and their affiliated wing organizations interact with party cadres and the broader public. In Indonesia, party wing organizations such as Angkatan Muda Pembaharuan Indonesia (AMPI), Angkatan Muda Partai Golkar (AMPG), and other youth wings increasingly rely on social media as the primary medium for political cadre formation. However, this shift has not only created new opportunities for participation but has also generated structural problems, including the dominance of symbolic communication, the personalization of political elites, and the subordination of ideological discourse to the algorithmic logic of digital platforms. This article aims to critically examine how the digital political communication of party wing organizations operates within the context of Indonesia’s representative democracy, the extent to which it constitutes a deliberative public sphere for young cadres, and how such practices affect the quality of political cadre formation. Employing a critical paradigm and a transdisciplinary qualitative approach, the study integrates Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, Aeron Davis’s evaluation of democratic communication, and the concept of the mediatization of politics. The findings indicate that the digital communication of party wings tends to function primarily as an instrument of symbolic consolidation and loyalty mobilization rather than as an arena for dialogical political education. Consequently, digital cadre formation produces representational identities more than critical political consciousness. This article therefore recommends a reorientation of the digital political communication of party wing organizations toward deliberative and emancipatory models in order to strengthen internal party democracy and promote substantive political regeneration.

For the general public, Indonesia’s five-year electoral cycle is often perceived merely as a procedural voting event, overlooking the substance and quality of how voters select presidential or regional leaders. Following the 2024 General Election, the challenges of democracy have shifted from technical management to the prevention of polarization, money politics, digital disinformation, identity politics, and echo chambers. This article analyzes the urgency of implementing sustainable voter education during the inter-election period, using the General Election Commission (KPU) of Balikpapan City as a case study. The study focuses on KPU Balikpapan’s strategies to transform pragmatic voters, who are susceptible to manipulation, into informed participants, while also addressing the vulnerabilities of first-time voters ahead of the 2029 Election to increase participation rates. The analysis indicates that political education during the non-election period is a critical moment to build the cognitive foundation of voters without compromising their independent choice, making the role of KPU Balikpapan essential in maintaining democratic integrity in the city.

This study analyzes media perceptions of the revocation of CNN Indonesia journalists' press identity cards by the State Palace in 2025, using the legal framework of Law Number 40 of 1999 concerning the Press. The main objective of the study is to examine the extent to which provisions in the Press Law function effectively in providing legal protection for journalists, as well as to identify potential restrictions on statements deemed inappropriate for public access by the Palace. The method used is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach, combining literature review, legal document analysis, and review of national media coverage. The research findings indicate that the revocation of Press IDs without going through the Press Council mechanism contradicts the principles of due process and press freedom guaranteed in the Press Law. This incident created a critical perception that the government has the potential to restrict journalists' freedom, especially regarding strategic state policy issues. Informal resolution through mediation and official apologies do not change the reality that the implementation of non-litigation mechanisms in the Press Law is crucial. This study concludes that the role of the Press Law in protecting the journalistic profession is highly dependent on the government's commitment to guaranteeing press freedom, information transparency, and strengthening the media as a pillar of democracy.

This study investigates the influence of Apparatus Competency and Information Systems on Community Political Participation in the Local Government Head Election during the COVID-19 pandemic era in Karawang Regency. The COVID-19 pandemic has posed significant challenges to democratic processes, particularly in maintaining voter participation while ensuring public health safety. Employing a mixed-methods approach combining quantitative and qualitative data with Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) analysis, this research analyzed data from 263 respondents across various election administrative units. The results indicate that: (1) Apparatus Competency does not have a significant positive effect on Community Political Participation (T-value = 1.01 < 1.96); (2) Information Systems have a significant positive effect on Community Political Participation (T-value = 2.78 > 1.96; path coefficient = 0.67). The combined contribution of both variables explains 76% of the variance in political participation. From these findings, the study proposes the Skills Democracy Model, emphasizing that digital information skills and organizational experience are critical determinants of democratic participation quality during pandemic conditions. These findings have significant implications for election governance reform and e-democracy development in Indonesia.

This research was conducted for the purpose of ascertaining law enforcements for Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) business actors in Indonesia based on Law No. 55 of 1999 concerning Prohibition of Monopolistic Practices and Unfair Business Competition. It also analyzes the role of government in providing enforcements to small and Medium Enterprises. In this study, normative legal research was used. It found that the legal protection of small businesses competition in Indonesia is a manifestation of the implementation of economic democracy that contains the principles of justice and togetherness to encourage creating opportunities for every businessman in a healthy competition environment. It also found that healthy competition aims to avoid a monopoly of certain business actors only, but it could provide business opportunities for Small and Medium Enterprises business actors to enlarge their business.

This study analyzes Muhammad Asad's Islamic political thought, which seeks to unite Islamic spiritual values with modern political thought. Asad rejects the limited view that considers Islam merely a ritualistic religion, and asserts that Islam is a value system that governs various aspects of life, including politics and government. Using a qualitative approach and library research methods, this study explores Asad's ideas on the Islamic state, democracy and shura, social justice, and the interaction between religion and the state. The findings of this study show that Asad views the Islamic state as an ethical entity that upholds justice, the rule of law, and moral responsibility. The concept of shura is understood as a type of moral democracy based on the values of justice and public participation. Asad also emphasizes that social justice is an important aspect of Islamic government that supports the welfare of society. Asad's thinking rejects both extreme secularism and absolute theocracy, and offers a model of Islamic politics that is rational, participatory, and based on morality. The relevance of this thinking lies in its ability to provide solutions to the crisis of ethics and justice in modern politics through a combination of spirituality and rationality in government.

Low levels of political literacy and political participation awareness among female university students remain a challenge for strengthening democracy at the local level. This condition is also found among female students in East Lombok, who tend to perceive political participation narrowly and lack the skills and confidence to engage actively as citizens. This community service program aims to enhance political literacy, participatory awareness, and the capacity of female students to understand and practice political participation in a critical and responsible manner. The program was implemented at the Institut Teknologi Sosial dan Kesehatan Muhammadiyah Selong using a community organizing approach integrated into the academic learning process. The methods included participatory discussions, mentoring, simulations, and critical reflection, positioning female students as active subjects throughout the activities. The results indicate an improvement in participants’ understanding of the meaning and forms of political participation, increased confidence in expressing opinions, and the emergence of new awareness regarding their roles as democratic citizens. In addition, a female student discussion group was formed as a space for collective learning and an early platform for local leadership. This program highlights the role of higher education institutions in promoting social transformation and strengthening women’s political participation at the local level.

This research aims to evaluate the SQUAD Dewan (Suara Kita Untuk Demokrasi/Our Voice for Democracy) program implemented by the Secretariat of East Java Provincial Legislative Council (DPRD). The SQUAD Dewan program is an innovative initiative designed to enhance public participation in the legislative process and strengthen democratic practices at the provincial level. Using the CIPP (Context, Input, Process, Product) evaluation model developed by Stufflebeam, this study examines the program's effectiveness, efficiency, and sustainability. This qualitative research employs a descriptive approach, with data collected through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, observation, and documentation at the Secretariat of the DPRD of East Java Province. Informants include program managers, legislative council members, public participants, and community representatives. The results indicate that the SQUAD Dewan program has successfully increased public engagement in legislative activities, with a 45% increase in public hearing participation and 60% growth in policy input submissions from 2022 to 2023. The program has effectively utilized digital platforms for broader outreach, reaching over 150,000 citizens through online forums and social media campaigns. However, challenges remain in terms of geographic coverage inequality, limited participation from rural communities, and the need for more sustainable funding mechanisms. This study recommends strengthening digital infrastructure in rural areas, developing capacity-building programs for community facilitators, establishing permanent funding allocations, and creating feedback mechanisms to enhance program responsiveness to public needs.

The Hamlet Head Election is an important part of the practice of village democracy that demands transparent, accountable, and participatory implementation. However, in practice, various obstacles are still encountered, such as limited understanding of regulations by the committee, low democratic literacy of the community, and potential conflicts due to lack of information disclosure. This community service activity aims to accompany the implementation of the Hamlet Head Election in Wonokerto Village so that it runs transparently and accountably. The service methods used include socialization of hamlet head election regulations, technical assistance to the election committee, education to the community regarding the rights and obligations of voters, and monitoring and evaluation of the election implementation. The results of the activity show an increase in the committee's understanding of election procedures in accordance with the principles of village governance, increased community participation, and the implementation of more open and accountable election.Thus, this community service activity can have a positive impact on the implementation of more open and accountable elections, as well as creating a healthy and sustainable democratic climate at the village level.

The Frankfurt School represents one of the most influential traditions of critical thought in the development of twentieth-century social theory and philosophy. This article aims to examine the impact of Frankfurt School thought particularly the ideas of key figures such as Max Horkheimer, Theodor W. Adorno, Herbert Marcuse, and Jürgen Habermas and to analyze the relevance of their ideas within contemporary social contexts. Using a qualitative approach through an extensive literature review, this study examines key concepts such as critical theory, instrumental rationality, and the culture industry, as well as their implications for power relations, advanced capitalism, mass media, and modern democracy. The findings demonstrate that the Frankfurt School’s critique of instrumental rationality and cultural commodification remains highly relevant for understanding contemporary social problems, including digital media dominance, consumerism, and the crisis of the public sphere. This article argues that Frankfurt School thought continues to provide an essential analytical framework for critically engaging with the contradictions of modern and postmodern societies in the era of globalization and digital technology.

Science and technology (science and technology) has a strategic role in encouraging the progress of the nation, but its development needs to be directed so that it is not separated from moral and humanitarian values. Without a strong ethical foundation, the advancement of science and technology has the potential to cause various social problems, such as inequality of access to technology, misuse of technology, and degradation of human values. In the Indonesian context, Pancasila as the basis of the state and the nation's outlook on life can be used as a paradigm in the development of science and technology that is oriented towards humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice. This research aims to examine the role of Pancasila values in building science and technology ethics in Indonesia. The method used is a qualitative approach with literature study techniques on various academic sources, public policy documents, and relevant laws and regulations. The results of the study show that Pancasila values are able to become an ethical foundation in the development of science and technology, so that technological progress is not only oriented to technical and economic aspects, but also to moral responsibility, social justice, environmental sustainability, and the welfare of society as a whole.

The culture of patronage is a key characteristic of Indonesian political dynamics, having developed from the pre-colonial era to the contemporary democratic era. Despite decentralization and political reforms in Indonesia, patronage practices persist through relationships between political elites, bureaucracy, business actors, and communities, particularly at the local level. This study analyzes patronage using Pierre Bourdieu's Social Practice Theory framework, which emphasizes the interaction between habitus, capital, and the arena as factors shaping social practices. The method used is descriptive qualitative research with data collection techniques through desk studies, which allows researchers to examine various academic literature to build a comprehensive conceptual analysis. The research findings indicate that internalized political habitus, the accumulation of economic, social, cultural, and symbolic capital, and a competitive local political field are key elements in perpetuating patronage. Patronage is not merely a transactional political practice, but a social structure that is continuously reproduced and impacts the politicization of bureaucracy, the strengthening of oligarchy, power inequality, and the vulnerability of the poor to political manipulation. This research confirms that efforts to strengthen democracy in Indonesia require transformation of the political habitus of society, bureaucratic reform, and restrictions on the dominance of economic actors in the political arena to break the entrenched patron-client chain.

This study aims to analyze the supervisory strategy of the Panwascam (Central Election Supervisory Agency) of Sinjai Borong District in handling election violations in the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Elections in Sinjai Regency. The study focuses on two main aspects, namely preventive strategies and repressive strategies. The research method uses a qualitative approach with case studies, through in-depth interviews, observation, documentation, and interactive data analysis. The results show that the Panwascam's preventive strategies include socialization of election regulations, political education, and strengthening coordination with village officials and community leaders. This strategy has been proven to increase regulatory understanding among lower-level election organizers and public political awareness, especially first-time voters. Meanwhile, the repressive strategy is implemented through violation handling mechanisms, preparing legal recommendations, and summoning perpetrators and witnesses. Based on field findings, the Panwascam successfully handled one case of violation of ASN neutrality that was recommended to the Regency Bawaslu. This study concludes that the supervision of the Sinjai Borong Panwascam is relatively effective, although it still faces limited resources, low public legal literacy, and strong local political patronage. The results of this study provide a conceptual contribution to strengthening the community-based electoral supervision model, which integrates regulatory, educational, and collaborative aspects. They also serve as practical recommendations for improving the quality of electoral democracy at the local level.

This study aims to analyze the strategic role of the Information and Documentation Management Officer (PPID) of the General Elections Commission (KPU) of Palangka Raya City in supporting the strengthening of democracy and public participation at the local level. This research uses a qualitative approach with a descriptive-analytical design through documentary studies on regulations, internal policies of KPU, PPID service reports, and public information request data, enriched with observations of the information service mechanisms both offline and online. The results show that, normatively and structurally, the PPID of Palangka Raya City KPU has carried out its functions in accordance with the provisions of Law No. 14 of 2008 and KPU Regulation No. 22 of 2023. The information service procedures, response time limits, and the use of the E-PPID system reflect the institutional commitment to the principle of transparency. However, the level of utilization of public information services is still relatively low and dominated by the academic community, particularly students. Additionally, there have been no recorded requests for information from disabled groups, despite the provision of disability-friendly facilities. These findings indicate a gap between administrative information openness and substantive public participation. This study concludes that strengthening the role of PPID in the future should be directed toward public communication strategies, political education, and inclusive approaches so that information openness does not stop at regulatory compliance but can make a tangible contribution to the consolidation of a participatory and just local democracy.

This study explores how the drafting process of the Bill (RUU) for the Revision of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), which was approved to become Law Number 3 of 2025, occurred amidst massive public protests, with an emphasis on violations of the principles of openness, participation, and accountability as regulated in the 1945 Constitution and Law Number 12 of 2011 concerning the Formation of Legislative Regulations. The public's rejection illustrates the potential for abusive law making, threats to civilian dominance, and the possibility of a return to the dual function of the military from the New Order period, supported by protests, petitions from civil society organizations such as NU, WALHI, and KONTRAS, as well as an application for constitutional review to the Constitutional Court. Adopting the perspective of Habermas’s theory of deliberative democracy and Weber’s concept of legitimacy, this research asserts that the argument for the annulment of this Bill is growing stronger, in order to uphold democratic law making and the protection of human rights.