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The transition from paper-based to Computer-Based Test (CBT) in the Academic Potential Test (TPA) for state university entrance selections has significantly transformed the educational assessment landscape. This conceptual study aims to evaluate the instruments of CBT-based TPA, focusing on validity, reliability, fairness, and technological infrastructure constraints. Employing a systematic literature review approach, this research synthesizes various foundational theories of educational measurement, specifically Item Response Theory (IRT) and Computerized Adaptive Testing (CAT), alongside contemporary empirical findings from the last five years. The findings indicate that while CBT offers enhanced administrative efficiency and rapid grading, the validity of the instruments is frequently challenged by item exposure and the diverse digital literacy levels of test-takers. Furthermore, infrastructural disparities among regions pose a significant threat to testing fairness. The implication of this study suggests the urgent need for a dynamic item bank generation system and the implementation of adaptive testing to mitigate cheating and ensure equitable assessment. Future educational policies must bridge the digital divide before uniformly mandating CBT. Ultimately, this review provides a comprehensive framework for test developers to refine CBT TPA instruments, ensuring they genuinely measure academic potential rather than technological proficiency.

General elections constitute a fundamental pillar of Indonesia’s democratic system, functioning as a mechanism for the exercise of popular sovereignty and the protection of citizens’ voting rights. During the 2024 Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD) election in Tarakan City, the Badan Pengawas Pemilu Kota Tarakan recorded twelve reports of alleged administrative violations throughout the electoral stages, including during the national vote recapitulation process. Of these reports, three allegations were proven, involving violations related to the Additional Voter List, the Special Voter List, and the eligibility requirements of candidates running for the Tarakan City DPRD in 2024. Essentially, election law enforcement serves as a safeguard to ensure fairness, legal certainty, and the protection of citizens’ constitutional right to vote. This study aims to examine the implementation of legal enforcement mechanisms against administrative violations in the 2024 Tarakan City DPRD election. A socio-legal research approach was employed to analyze both normative regulations and their practical application. Referring to Peraturan Bawaslu Nomor 8 Tahun 2022 concerning the Settlement of Administrative Violations of General Elections, the findings indicate that the Tarakan City Bawaslu holds authority in adjudicating and imposing sanctions on proven violations. As a result, one candidate, Erick Hendrawan Septian Putra, was disqualified from Electoral District 1. Furthermore, sanctions were imposed on the chairpersons and members of Polling Station 88 in Karang Anyar and Polling Station 2 in Pamusian for failing to carry out their duties as voting organizing groups in the election and subsequent processes.

This research is entitled Oko Mama as a Tool of Political Consolidation in Society (Atoin Pah Meto) (Case Study of the 2023 Village Head Election in Saenam Village, West Miomaffo District, TTU). The main problem of this research is how oko mama as a tool of political consolidation in the village head election in Saenam Village, in establishing relations between candidates and the community in the village head election in Saenam Village, West Miomaffo District, TTU. The theory used in this study is the theory of political consolidation which refers to oko mama as a tool of political consolidation in Society (Atoin Pah Meto). The results of this study indicate that Oko Mama has several functions, namely as a cultural, as a form of appreciation to guests to convey a purpose, where oko mama is a tool for political consolidation ahead of the village head elections. However, in this study, oko mama does not provide a certainty for the community to choose the candidate due to several factors including educational factors and the community's perception of the candidate. The conclusion of this study is that Oko Mama is a tool for political consolidation in Sgenam Village, but it cannot guarantee that the candidate will obtain the most votes and win the village head election due to educational level and various public perceptions about the candidate. Traditional leaders have power in Saenam Village, but they cannot unite the community if the consolidation tool used is Oko Mama.

Constitutional Court Decision No. 135/PUU-XXII/2024, which separates the schedules for national elections (2029) and regional elections (2031), has the potential to create a legislative vacuum or institutional void in the Regional People’s Representative Councils (DPRD) during the 2029–2031 transition period. This is because the terms of office for DPRD members elected in the 2024 elections end in 2029, while the next elections will not be held until 2031, and there are currently no transitional provisions governing the mechanism for filling these vacancies. This study aims to analyze the legal implications of the decision regarding the potential for a DPRD vacancy and to evaluate the limits of the Constitutional Court’s authority in determining the design of synchronized elections. Using a normative legal research method with legislative, conceptual, and case-based approaches, this study identified three alternative mechanisms for filling DPRD vacancies: by-elections, term extensions, or amending the law with transitional provisions. The term extension option is deemed the most proportionate as it prioritizes legal certainty and legitimacy. This ruling has also sparked debate as it is viewed as exceeding the Constitutional Court’s authority as a negative legislator and entering the realm of open legal policy, although substantively it opens space for strengthening local democracy. The government and the House of Representatives are recommended to immediately revise the Election Law and the Regional Government Law by adding transitional provisions that explicitly regulate the mechanism for filling vacancies in the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD) during the 2029–2031 transition period in a careful and participatory manner.

Women’s representation in legislative institutions is an important indicator for assessing the quality of democracy and gender equality in a political system. Indonesia has implemented an affirmative policy requiring a minimum quota of 30% female candidates in legislative elections. However, its implementation at the local level still faces various challenges. This study aims to analyze the phenomenon of tokenism and the forms of women’s political representation in the nomination and election process of members of the Cilegon City Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) for the 2024–2029 period. This research employs a qualitative method with a descriptive approach using literature review and secondary data analysis. The analysis is based on Hanna Pitkin’s theory of political representation, which categorizes representation into four types: formal, symbolic, descriptive, and substantive. The findings show that only 4 out of 40 seats in the Cilegon City DPRD are occupied by women, representing approximately 10% of the total membership, and this figure has remained unchanged compared to the previous period. This condition indicates a gap between the fulfillment of the female candidate quota at the nomination stage and the low level of electoral success. Furthermore, the political recruitment process within parties also reflects indications of tokenism, where female candidates are often included merely to fulfill administrative requirements without sufficient political support. As a result, women’s representation in the Cilegon DPRD tends to remain at the formal and descriptive levels, while substantive representation remains a challenge in local political practice.

The election of regional heads is a form of democratic implementation that requires the active participation of the community as voters. However, in its implementation, various obstacles are still found such as low voter participation, limited access to information, and lack of efficiency in the conventional voting process. This research aims to develop an online-based regional head election information system as a solution to increase voter participation through the use of digital technology. The research method used is Research and Development (R&D) with a Waterfall system development model which includes the stages of needs analysis, system design, implementation, testing, and evaluation. The developed system provides features of voter registration, candidate information, online voting process, and real-time recapitulation of vote results. The system test is carried out using the Black Box Testing method and shows that all system functions are running according to the user's needs. The results of this study show that the implementation of an online-based election information system can provide easy access, increase transparency, and encourage community involvement, especially young voters, in the process of electing regional heads. Thus, this system has the potential to become a digital innovation that supports improving the quality of local democracy.

This study aims to analyze gender-based political violence in the 2020 Regional Head Elections in South Tangerang City and its impact on women’s representation in politics. The case analyzed involves social media attacks against Rahayu Saraswati Djojohadikusumo during her campaign for Deputy Mayor, in which an old photo of her while pregnant was used as material for sexually charged attacks. This study employs a qualitative method using a case study approach through literature review. The analysis utilizes Kate Manne’s theory of misogyny, which views misogyny as a social mechanism within the patriarchal system to control and discipline women entering the public sphere. The results of the study indicate that gender-based political violence manifests in the form of the moral delegitimization of women, digital intimidation or harassment, policing of women in public spaces, and the objectification of women’s bodies. These phenomena demonstrate that gender bias remains a barrier for women in securing equal space in local political contests.

The enforcement of election criminal law plays a crucial role in safeguarding democratic integrity and upholding the principle of popular sovereignty. Law Number 7 of 2017 establishes the Integrated Law Enforcement Center (Sentra Gakkumdu) as a coordinated mechanism involving the Election Supervisory Body, the Police, and the Prosecution Service in addressing election crimes. However, in practice, the Gakkumdu system has not fully ensured a balanced realization of legal certainty, substantive justice, and legal utility. This study aims to analyze the problems of election criminal law enforcement within the Gakkumdu system, examine the relevance of the Restorative Justice approach in election law, and formulate a reconstruction of election criminal law enforcement based on this approach. This research employs normative legal research using statutory, conceptual, legal philosophy, and legal policy approaches. The findings indicate that the weaknesses in election criminal law enforcement arise from institutional fragmentation, normative ambiguity, and a legal culture dominated by legalistic and sectoral perspectives. The Restorative Justice approach is considered relevant as it prioritizes substantive justice and the restoration of democratic values. Therefore, reconstructing election criminal law enforcement based on Restorative Justice is essential to strengthening democratic legitimacy and public trust in elections in Indonesia.

This research investigates thermal material properties and performance characteristics for high-speed vessel components subjected to extreme thermal stress during sustained high-speed operations. High-speed vessels including patrol boats, fast ferries, and naval craft experience elevated thermal loads from high-power density propulsion systems, aerodynamic heating, and sustained operational intensities creating demanding conditions for structural and mechanical components. Through qualitative analysis involving naval architects, materials engineers, high-speed vessel operators, and component manufacturers, this study examines how material thermal properties affect component durability, performance, and safety while identifying optimal material selections for critical applications. Results demonstrate that advanced thermal materials including high-temperature aluminum alloys, titanium alloys, ceramic composites, and thermal barrier coatings can extend component service life by 40-70%, improve thermal management effectiveness by 25-45%, and enhance operational reliability compared to conventional materials. Key implementation challenges include material cost premiums of 150-300%, manufacturing complexity, limited operating experience, qualification testing requirements, and supply chain constraints. Findings reveal that strategic thermal material selection for critical components represents essential enabling technology for high-speed vessel performance, reliability, and operational availability supporting defense, commercial, and emergency response applications requiring sustained high-speed capabilities. This research contributes to marine materials engineering literature by providing evidence-based frameworks for thermal material selection applicable to diverse high-speed vessel applications.

Demonstrations demanding the dissolution of the House of Representatives by 2025 highlight a crisis of public trust and serve as a key moment in Indonesia's political landscape. These protests have not only symbolic significance but also lead to elite repositioning, the temporary dismissal of several members, and the cessation of policy that increased benefits. This study examines how the crisis has prompted political institutional reconstruction and the role of civil society in influencing change. A descriptive qualitative approach was used, including literature studies, analysis of academic literature, official documents, and media reports. The findings indicate that actions by the House of Representatives, such as the rotation of Commission III leadership, member deactivation, and rejection of benefit increases, were primarily reactive to public pressure. The discussion reveals that while these actions reduce crisis escalation, they are cosmetic and do not address structural issues like legislative accountability and budget transparency. In conclusion, the 2025 protests provide an opportunity for civil society to engage politically outside elections, but the institutional changes made are short-term. Fundamental reform can only occur if civil movements remain consistent and if political parties and the government commit to reform.

For the general public, Indonesia’s five-year electoral cycle is often perceived merely as a procedural voting event, overlooking the substance and quality of how voters select presidential or regional leaders. Following the 2024 General Election, the challenges of democracy have shifted from technical management to the prevention of polarization, money politics, digital disinformation, identity politics, and echo chambers. This article analyzes the urgency of implementing sustainable voter education during the inter-election period, using the General Election Commission (KPU) of Balikpapan City as a case study. The study focuses on KPU Balikpapan’s strategies to transform pragmatic voters, who are susceptible to manipulation, into informed participants, while also addressing the vulnerabilities of first-time voters ahead of the 2029 Election to increase participation rates. The analysis indicates that political education during the non-election period is a critical moment to build the cognitive foundation of voters without compromising their independent choice, making the role of KPU Balikpapan essential in maintaining democratic integrity in the city.

This study evaluates the implementation of the Job Analysis (Anjab) policy at the Provincial General Elections Commission (KPU) of East Java using William N. Dunn’s policy evaluation model. The purpose of this research is to assess the extent to which the Anjab policy has been effective, efficient, adequate, equitable, responsive, and appropriate in supporting human resource management within the Provincial KPU. This study employs a descriptive qualitative approach, with data collected through interviews with personnel in the Subdivision of Personnel, observations, and document analysis of relevant regulations and internal documents. The evaluation shows that the implementation of Anjab within the KPU has not been optimal, as the Anjab documents have not been updated regularly, the job map remains generic and nationally standardized, there is no dedicated team responsible for Anjab management, and personnel’s understanding of Anjab remains limited. These conditions result in discrepancies between job descriptions and actual tasks performed, disproportionate task distribution, and low utilization of Anjab in human resource structuring. Consequently, the policy has not been fully effective, efficient, responsive, or well-targeted. Key recommendations include establishing an Anjab implementation team, providing technical training, developing an institution-specific job map, and conducting regular document updates

The Hamlet Head Election is an important part of the practice of village democracy that demands transparent, accountable, and participatory implementation. However, in practice, various obstacles are still encountered, such as limited understanding of regulations by the committee, low democratic literacy of the community, and potential conflicts due to lack of information disclosure. This community service activity aims to accompany the implementation of the Hamlet Head Election in Wonokerto Village so that it runs transparently and accountably. The service methods used include socialization of hamlet head election regulations, technical assistance to the election committee, education to the community regarding the rights and obligations of voters, and monitoring and evaluation of the election implementation. The results of the activity show an increase in the committee's understanding of election procedures in accordance with the principles of village governance, increased community participation, and the implementation of more open and accountable election.Thus, this community service activity can have a positive impact on the implementation of more open and accountable elections, as well as creating a healthy and sustainable democratic climate at the village level.

This study aims to analyze the incumbent's advantage in the 2024 Manggarai Regency Legislative Election with a case study of Paulus Peos' victory in Electoral District I. The theory used is David R Mayhew's approach. The method used is a descriptive qualitative approach through interviews, observation, and documentation. The results of the study show that Paulus Peos' success in retaining his legislative seat for four consecutive terms was supported by three main factors, namely name recognition (advertising), credit claiming, and position taking. Through advertising, Paulus Peos built a positive image and connection with the community; through credit claiming, Paulus Peos emphasized his contributions to various development programs; and through position taking, Paulus Peos demonstrated his commitment to the aspirations of the people. These three factors fostered strong voter loyalty and trust, proving that the incumbent's advantage stemmed not only from his political position but also from his ability to build social relationships and his consistent performance in serving the community.

This study aims to analyze the supervisory strategy of the Panwascam (Central Election Supervisory Agency) of Sinjai Borong District in handling election violations in the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Elections in Sinjai Regency. The study focuses on two main aspects, namely preventive strategies and repressive strategies. The research method uses a qualitative approach with case studies, through in-depth interviews, observation, documentation, and interactive data analysis. The results show that the Panwascam's preventive strategies include socialization of election regulations, political education, and strengthening coordination with village officials and community leaders. This strategy has been proven to increase regulatory understanding among lower-level election organizers and public political awareness, especially first-time voters. Meanwhile, the repressive strategy is implemented through violation handling mechanisms, preparing legal recommendations, and summoning perpetrators and witnesses. Based on field findings, the Panwascam successfully handled one case of violation of ASN neutrality that was recommended to the Regency Bawaslu. This study concludes that the supervision of the Sinjai Borong Panwascam is relatively effective, although it still faces limited resources, low public legal literacy, and strong local political patronage. The results of this study provide a conceptual contribution to strengthening the community-based electoral supervision model, which integrates regulatory, educational, and collaborative aspects. They also serve as practical recommendations for improving the quality of electoral democracy at the local level.

This research is entitled “Women’s Representation in Political (Analysis of the Low Number of Elected Female Legislative Members in the Sabu Raijua Regency DPRD in the 2024 Election).” The low representation of women in politics is a significant issue in various regions, including Sabu Raijua Regency. This study aims to analyse the low representation of women in politics and the factors that hinder women from becoming legislative members in the Sabu Raijua Regency DPRD in the 2024 elections using Gender Theory, which focuses on three derivatives of the theory, namely gender issues, gender ideas, and gender representation. The results of the study show that the obstacles faced by women are not only related to individual capabilities, but are also the result of social constructs influenced by gender issues, gender ideas, and gender representation. Women are often faced with domestic burdens, financial constraints, and a lack of training from political parties, which limits their political capacity. Patriarchal customs also reinforce the notion that men are more suitable for leadership, while women are seen as quota fillers. As a result, representation is more symbolic than substantial, as evidenced by the fact that only two women have won seats in the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRD), one of whom was through the PAW mechanism. Barriers include traditional norms, gender stereotypes, and social legitimacy; lack of support and strategy from political parties; and financial constraints and campaign capital.

This study aims to analyze the strategic role of the Information and Documentation Management Officer (PPID) of the General Elections Commission (KPU) of Palangka Raya City in supporting the strengthening of democracy and public participation at the local level. This research uses a qualitative approach with a descriptive-analytical design through documentary studies on regulations, internal policies of KPU, PPID service reports, and public information request data, enriched with observations of the information service mechanisms both offline and online. The results show that, normatively and structurally, the PPID of Palangka Raya City KPU has carried out its functions in accordance with the provisions of Law No. 14 of 2008 and KPU Regulation No. 22 of 2023. The information service procedures, response time limits, and the use of the E-PPID system reflect the institutional commitment to the principle of transparency. However, the level of utilization of public information services is still relatively low and dominated by the academic community, particularly students. Additionally, there have been no recorded requests for information from disabled groups, despite the provision of disability-friendly facilities. These findings indicate a gap between administrative information openness and substantive public participation. This study concludes that strengthening the role of PPID in the future should be directed toward public communication strategies, political education, and inclusive approaches so that information openness does not stop at regulatory compliance but can make a tangible contribution to the consolidation of a participatory and just local democracy.

Political participation is an important aspect in a democratic state structure, as well as a characteristic feature of political modernization. Political participation influences the legitimacy of society regarding the running of a government. One way of implementing political participation is through General Elections (Pemilu). The aim of this research is to determine the influence of presidential candidate debate broadcasts on multi-platform broadcast media on the political participation of FISIP UMJ student class of 2020. This research has an independent variable, namely presidential candidate debate broadcasts with the dimensions of frequency, attention and duration, and has a dependent variable, namely providing voting rights in elections, lobbying with officials, becoming a member of a political party. This research method uses a survey method by distributing questionnaires online to respondents via Google Form which aims to collect data from a sample of 2020 FISIP UMJ students who actively watch presidential candidate debates and know about political participation, with a total of 66 respondents selected. The data collection tool uses a questionnaire using a Likert Scale. The results of this research show that the presidential debate broadcast has an influence on political participation, which has a value of 0.736 or 73.6%, which means that the presidential debate broadcast influences political participation by 73.6% and the rest is influenced by other factors.

This research examines money politics as a root problem in Indonesia’s democratic system, focusing on the 2019 and 2024 general elections. Money politics refers to the practice of distributing cash or goods by candidates, campaign teams, or volunteers to influence voters’ political choices. This study employs a qualitative method with a literature study approach to analyze several cases that occurred across different regions in Indonesia. The findings reveal that money politics was widespread during both elections, with the main modus operandi involving the distribution of cash, basic goods, and facilities. This practice not only violates the principles of free and fair elections but also undermines citizens’ dignity, weakens popular sovereignty, and serves as a major driver of political corruption. Contributing factors include power ambition, vulnerable economic conditions, low political education, weak oversight, and entrenched transactional political culture. To address this issue, the research highlights the importance of political party reform and strengthening democratic education, particularly through civic education programs. These efforts aim to increase political awareness among citizens and improve the overall quality of Indonesia’s democracy.

The development of information technology has produced a significant transformation in election administration mechanisms, including within the City of Palangka Raya. The digitalization of various services and information systems requires the General Elections Commission (KPU) to enhance transparency while simultaneously ensuring the security of voter data and election results. This study aims to examine the key challenges faced by the Palangka Raya KPU in balancing the need for information openness with data protection in the digital era. The research employs a qualitative descriptive method through literature review, direct observation, and structured interviews with KPU staff, election supervisors, and relevant stakeholders. The findings indicate that digitalization improves the effectiveness of public information dissemination, including through the use of Sidalih and Sirekap, yet it also introduces vulnerabilities such as potential voter data breaches, cyberattacks, and the spread of disinformation through social media. Moreover, limitations in human resources with technological expertise serve as constraints in optimizing digital security. Conversely, the implementation of data security standards and improvements in voter digital literacy contribute to strengthening public trust in the election process. Thus, the Palangka Raya KPU needs to reinforce cybersecurity infrastructure, enhance internal technical capacity, and broaden public education programs to safeguard electoral integrity amid increasing transparency demands and digital risks. Collaboration among government, academia, and the community is a strategic element in maintaining the quality of democracy in the digital era.