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General elections constitute a fundamental pillar of Indonesia’s democratic system, functioning as a mechanism for the exercise of popular sovereignty and the protection of citizens’ voting rights. During the 2024 Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD) election in Tarakan City, the Badan Pengawas Pemilu Kota Tarakan recorded twelve reports of alleged administrative violations throughout the electoral stages, including during the national vote recapitulation process. Of these reports, three allegations were proven, involving violations related to the Additional Voter List, the Special Voter List, and the eligibility requirements of candidates running for the Tarakan City DPRD in 2024. Essentially, election law enforcement serves as a safeguard to ensure fairness, legal certainty, and the protection of citizens’ constitutional right to vote. This study aims to examine the implementation of legal enforcement mechanisms against administrative violations in the 2024 Tarakan City DPRD election. A socio-legal research approach was employed to analyze both normative regulations and their practical application. Referring to Peraturan Bawaslu Nomor 8 Tahun 2022 concerning the Settlement of Administrative Violations of General Elections, the findings indicate that the Tarakan City Bawaslu holds authority in adjudicating and imposing sanctions on proven violations. As a result, one candidate, Erick Hendrawan Septian Putra, was disqualified from Electoral District 1. Furthermore, sanctions were imposed on the chairpersons and members of Polling Station 88 in Karang Anyar and Polling Station 2 in Pamusian for failing to carry out their duties as voting organizing groups in the election and subsequent processes.

The enforcement of election criminal law plays a crucial role in safeguarding democratic integrity and upholding the principle of popular sovereignty. Law Number 7 of 2017 establishes the Integrated Law Enforcement Center (Sentra Gakkumdu) as a coordinated mechanism involving the Election Supervisory Body, the Police, and the Prosecution Service in addressing election crimes. However, in practice, the Gakkumdu system has not fully ensured a balanced realization of legal certainty, substantive justice, and legal utility. This study aims to analyze the problems of election criminal law enforcement within the Gakkumdu system, examine the relevance of the Restorative Justice approach in election law, and formulate a reconstruction of election criminal law enforcement based on this approach. This research employs normative legal research using statutory, conceptual, legal philosophy, and legal policy approaches. The findings indicate that the weaknesses in election criminal law enforcement arise from institutional fragmentation, normative ambiguity, and a legal culture dominated by legalistic and sectoral perspectives. The Restorative Justice approach is considered relevant as it prioritizes substantive justice and the restoration of democratic values. Therefore, reconstructing election criminal law enforcement based on Restorative Justice is essential to strengthening democratic legitimacy and public trust in elections in Indonesia.

Demonstrations demanding the dissolution of the House of Representatives by 2025 highlight a crisis of public trust and serve as a key moment in Indonesia's political landscape. These protests have not only symbolic significance but also lead to elite repositioning, the temporary dismissal of several members, and the cessation of policy that increased benefits. This study examines how the crisis has prompted political institutional reconstruction and the role of civil society in influencing change. A descriptive qualitative approach was used, including literature studies, analysis of academic literature, official documents, and media reports. The findings indicate that actions by the House of Representatives, such as the rotation of Commission III leadership, member deactivation, and rejection of benefit increases, were primarily reactive to public pressure. The discussion reveals that while these actions reduce crisis escalation, they are cosmetic and do not address structural issues like legislative accountability and budget transparency. In conclusion, the 2025 protests provide an opportunity for civil society to engage politically outside elections, but the institutional changes made are short-term. Fundamental reform can only occur if civil movements remain consistent and if political parties and the government commit to reform.

For the general public, Indonesia’s five-year electoral cycle is often perceived merely as a procedural voting event, overlooking the substance and quality of how voters select presidential or regional leaders. Following the 2024 General Election, the challenges of democracy have shifted from technical management to the prevention of polarization, money politics, digital disinformation, identity politics, and echo chambers. This article analyzes the urgency of implementing sustainable voter education during the inter-election period, using the General Election Commission (KPU) of Balikpapan City as a case study. The study focuses on KPU Balikpapan’s strategies to transform pragmatic voters, who are susceptible to manipulation, into informed participants, while also addressing the vulnerabilities of first-time voters ahead of the 2029 Election to increase participation rates. The analysis indicates that political education during the non-election period is a critical moment to build the cognitive foundation of voters without compromising their independent choice, making the role of KPU Balikpapan essential in maintaining democratic integrity in the city.

This study aims to analyze the supervisory strategy of the Panwascam (Central Election Supervisory Agency) of Sinjai Borong District in handling election violations in the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Elections in Sinjai Regency. The study focuses on two main aspects, namely preventive strategies and repressive strategies. The research method uses a qualitative approach with case studies, through in-depth interviews, observation, documentation, and interactive data analysis. The results show that the Panwascam's preventive strategies include socialization of election regulations, political education, and strengthening coordination with village officials and community leaders. This strategy has been proven to increase regulatory understanding among lower-level election organizers and public political awareness, especially first-time voters. Meanwhile, the repressive strategy is implemented through violation handling mechanisms, preparing legal recommendations, and summoning perpetrators and witnesses. Based on field findings, the Panwascam successfully handled one case of violation of ASN neutrality that was recommended to the Regency Bawaslu. This study concludes that the supervision of the Sinjai Borong Panwascam is relatively effective, although it still faces limited resources, low public legal literacy, and strong local political patronage. The results of this study provide a conceptual contribution to strengthening the community-based electoral supervision model, which integrates regulatory, educational, and collaborative aspects. They also serve as practical recommendations for improving the quality of electoral democracy at the local level.

Social assistance programs are often a major concern during local elections. However, their impact on voter support for incumbents remains underexplored. This study analyzes how perceptions of social assistance influence voting behavior for incumbents in the 2024 Palangka Raya mayoral election. Using a sequential explanatory mixed methods design, the quantitative stage was conducted through a survey of 370 social assistance recipients and analyzed using PLS-SEM. The qualitative stage used 13 official documents and verified news reports to examine how social assistance was framed in the public sphere. The results show that perceptions of social assistance are the strongest predictor of the tendency to vote for incumbents, whereas political competition, demographic factors, and moderating effects are not significant. Qualitative analysis shows that social assistance issues are the most frequently mentioned theme in news reports and official documents, thereby reinforcing their relevance as a basis for evaluation by the beneficiaries. This study shows that voters tend to respond to the benefits of policies they perceive in determining their electoral choices, even within a public sphere that frequently raises issues of program politicization.

The dominance of the political party elite (oligarchy) in Indonesia's representative democracy system has shifted the meaning and implementation of the constituent recall doctrine. Although Article 1 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution affirms that sovereignty resides with the people, in practice the recall mechanism is not a constituent right, but rather the exclusive authority of political parties. This study uses a normative legal method with a legislative, conceptual, and comparative approach. The research data was obtained from primary legal materials (the 1945 Constitution, Law Number 2 of 2008 concerning Political Parties, Law Number 2 of 2011 on Amendments to Law Number 2 of 2008 on Political Parties, Law Number 7 of 2017 on General Elections,  Law Number 17 of 2014 on the MPR, DPR, DPD, DPRD (MD3), as well as secondary legal materials in the form of books, scientific journals, and opinions of constitutional law experts. The results of the study show conceptual reduction, namely the transfer of the people's right to revoke the mandate of their representatives to the parties, and categorical reduction, namely the narrowing of the function of recall to an internal party disciplinary tool. The applicable regulations, particularly MD3 Law, give excessive privileges to political parties, thereby severing the substantive relationship between representatives and constituents. This study proposes a participatory and accountable constituent recall   model, with the right of initiative in the hands of the people through public petitions, verification by an independent institution, and a final decision through a real election.

This study aims to analyze the correlation between the principle of equality before the law and the affirmative action policy, which is expressed in the form of a 30% quota for women's representation in the political field, as stipulated in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. The focus of the study is directed at the extent to which this quota policy is in line with the principle of equality before the law and reflects substantive justice in democratic practices in Indonesia. The research method used is normative research by examining laws and regulations, legal doctrine, and relevant literature. This approach is used to assess whether the quota policy for women's representation is in accordance with the constitutional principle of equality, while also considering the challenges of its implementation in a socio-political context that is still gender biased. The results of the study indicate that the 30% quota for women in legislative candidacy is a form of positive discrimination intended to correct structural and historical inequalities in women's political participation. This policy is expected to open wider spaces for participation so that women have equal opportunities to play a role in the legislative process and public policy making. However, this policy has also drawn criticism. Some believe that the quota emphasizes fulfilling numbers rather than the quality and capacity of the individuals nominated. Therefore, the quota must be accompanied by efforts to improve the quality of women's human resources, political education, and transparent, merit-based selection mechanisms. This way, women's representation will not only be formal but also substantial and contribute significantly to democratic development. In conclusion, the 30% quota policy remains necessary as an affirmative step toward de facto equality. However, strengthening capacity and supporting systems is crucial for its implementation to align with the principle of equality before the law and achieve substantive justice.  

This research is motivated by several factors that cause voter behavior in the regional head election in Banjar City. The purpose of this study is to determine voter behavior in the Regional Head Election in Banjar City. The method used in this study is descriptive analysis. There are 7 informants. Data collection techniques are literature studies, field studies (observations and interviews) and documentation. The author uses qualitative data analysis techniques through data processing from interviews and observations to draw conclusions so that they can answer the problems in the study. Based on the results of the study, it is known that: voter behavior in Banjar City is still dominated by the tendency of traditional voters and skeptical voters. This is evidenced by the problem of many voters who determine their choices based on following suit if most of their environment chooses a candidate pair, in addition, voters in determining their political choices are based on information obtained from their parents or from their environment, there are voters who are reluctant and lazy to pay attention to political contestation. There are obstacles to voter behavior in the regional head election in Banjar City, including unequal access to information so that people only get political information from unverified social media. In addition, the practice of money politics is still a reality that is difficult to avoid, where direct assistance or certain promises are the main considerations in choosing candidate pairs as well as past experiences. To overcome various obstacles, a number of efforts have been made, including the Banjar City General Election Commission (KPU) implementing a voter education program through direct outreach to the community, especially in villages and densely populated areas.

Law constitutes a set of rules that must be obeyed and implemented by every individual. The concept of law-making forms part of the broader meaning of legal politics, serving as a guideline for the governance of the state and the life of society. Law is a necessity for all components of the nation and the state to create security and order, thereby providing a sense of justice. General elections (Pemilu) conducted directly by the people, from the people, and for the people serve as a means of manifesting sovereignty for the state to produce a democratic government based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. The administration of general elections direct, free, universal, and secret must be carried out honestly and fairly, capable of realizing national integration, professionalism, and accountability in order to position the people as the primary holder of sovereignty. This study employs a normative juridical legal research method with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. The results of this research indicate that the legal concept concerning general elections depends on legal politics, which acts as a determining activity in the pattern and formation of election legislation designed to oversee and renew that law as a determination of politics related to democracy in the country. This study aims to ascertain the impact of the implementation of legal politics in the post-reform general election system and represents an existence of legal politics within Indonesia’s legal enforcement system.

This study aims to determine whether or not the fifth Amendment of the 1945 Constitution as the written Constitution of the State of Indonesia which has become a mecca in formulating laws and regulations for more than the last twenty-five years is still able to meet the demands of the dynamics of the current administration or whether radical changes need to be made by changing the main mecca. Along with the current government and a few years ago. The executive and legislative parties even managed to form several legal products that were eventually criticized and rejected by the public. Therefore, it is necessary to limit the power in the field of legislation that must be given to the party whose authority it is. Based on the theory of limiting the President's power, he is the party that executes and implements the law. In Indonesia, the executive is involved in the process of forming legal products. Even the judiciary also acts as a legislator rather than a negative legislator. Efforts to maintain the position of independent commissions and emphasize regional elections so that we do not need to return to the old model. This research will discuss the ideas of change that should be urgent in the current Indonesian constitutional order, and be able to meet the needs of the future. The method used in this writing is Normative law. By conducting approaches to legislation, conceptual, historical approaches, comparisons and using qualitative analysis methods.

This study analyzes the legal aspects in the application of the e-voting system in the election of village heads as a form of technological innovation in voting. With a normative legal approach, this research is based on relevant laws and regulations, including Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages and its amendments in Law Number 3 of 2024. The results of the study show that the e-voting regulation is not explicitly contained in the law, but gives authority to local governments to design village head election policies, which is strengthened by the Constitutional Court Decision Number 147/PUU-VII/2009. In addition, the e-voting mechanism meets the principle of legality in the elections, emphasizes the principle of luberjurdil, and is in line with democratic values. The conclusion of this study emphasizes that the implementation of the election with the e-voting method can be applied by paying attention to the legal standards and cumulative requirements that have been set.